United States v. Bijan Rafiekian

991 F.3d 529
CourtCourt of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit
DecidedMarch 18, 2021
Docket19-4803
StatusPublished
Cited by17 cases

This text of 991 F.3d 529 (United States v. Bijan Rafiekian) is published on Counsel Stack Legal Research, covering Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit primary law. Counsel Stack provides free access to over 12 million legal documents including statutes, case law, regulations, and constitutions.

Bluebook
United States v. Bijan Rafiekian, 991 F.3d 529 (4th Cir. 2021).

Opinion

PUBLISHED

UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS FOR THE FOURTH CIRCUIT

No. 19-4803

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA,

Plaintiff - Appellant,

v.

BIJAN RAFIEKIAN, a/k/a Bijan Kian,

Defendant - Appellee.

Appeal from the United States District Court for the Eastern District of Virginia, at Alexandria. Anthony John Trenga, District Judge. (1:18-cr-00457-AJT-1)

Argued: December 11, 2020 Decided: March 18, 2021

Before NIEMEYER, KEENAN, and WYNN, Circuit Judges.

Reversed in part, vacated in part, and remanded by published opinion. Judge Wynn wrote the opinion, in which Judge Niemeyer and Judge Keenan joined.

ARGUED: Aidan Taft Grano, OFFICE OF THE UNITED STATES ATTORNEY, Alexandria, Virginia, for Appellant. James Edward Tysse, AKIN GUMP STRAUSS HAUER & FELD LLP, Washington, D.C., for Appellee. ON BRIEF: Steven L. Lane, Evan N. Turgeon, National Security Division, UNITED STATES DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE, Washington, D.C.; G. Zachary Terwilliger, United States Attorney, James P. Gillis, Assistant United States Attorney, John T. Gibbs, Assistant United States Attorney, OFFICE OF THE UNITED STATES ATTORNEY, Alexandria, Virginia, for Appellant. Robert P. Trout, TROUT CACHERIS & SOLOMON PLLC, Washington, D.C.; Mark MacDougall, Stacey H. Mitchell, John C. Murphy, Adam A. Bereston, Margaret O. Rusconi, AKIN GUMP STRAUSS HAUER & FELD LLP, Washington, D.C., for Appellee.

2 WYNN, Circuit Judge:

A jury convicted Bijan Rafiekian of acting as an unregistered foreign agent and

conspiring to do the same. But the district court later acquitted him of all charges and, in

the event we disagreed with that decision, conditionally granted a new trial. The

Government appeals. For the reasons that follow, we reverse the judgment of acquittal,

vacate the conditional grant of a new trial, and remand for further proceedings.

I.

A.

In late July 2016, the Turkish government made a request to the Department of

Justice (“DOJ”) for the extradition of Fetullah Gulen, a Turkish preacher and scholar living

in Pennsylvania. Once an ally of Turkish president Recep Tayyip Erdogan, Gulen had since

become a dissident. And after an attempted coup against Erdogan failed, Turkey blamed

Gulen and sought his extradition. DOJ declined to immediately arrest Gulen, but the State

Department placed the extradition request under review.

At that time, Rafiekian was an executive at the now-dissolved Flynn Intel Group—

an eponymous consulting and lobbying firm that he co-founded with retired Lt. Gen.

Michael T. Flynn. Within ten days of the failed coup—and just six days after DOJ rebuffed

Turkey’s initial demand for Gulen—Rafiekian and Flynn began dialoguing with Ekim

Alptekin, a Turkish businessman. Alptekin claimed to have pitched high-ranking Turkish

officials on hiring Flynn Intel Group for a project related to Turkey’s “security and

3 stability.” J.A. 2176. 1 The project was informally referred to as “Truth.” See, e.g., J.A.

2178.

The dialogue with Alptekin progressed quickly. For instance, Rafiekian sent

Alptekin a list of initial action items for Project Truth on July 30, 2016. A few days later,

Alptekin reported that he had shared the “proposed approach” with Turkey’s Foreign

Affairs and Economic Ministers, who were receptive. J.A. 2184, 2187. Rafiekian

responded that the project would be given “priority.” J.A. 2191. And on August 10,

Alptekin messaged Rafiekian and Flynn to say that he had received “a green light” to

discuss “confidentiality, budget[,] and the scope of the contract.” J.A. 2201. The next day,

Rafiekian notified Alptekin that he and Flynn had “activated” Flynn Intel Group’s

“investigative laboratory” and were “ready to push the start button.” See J.A. 2207, 2221.

Thereafter, neither Rafiekian nor Flynn made any further references to Project

Truth. Instead, Rafiekian informed Flynn Intel Group employees that the firm had been

engaged by a Dutch company—Inovo BV—on a project he called “Confidence.” J.A.

2212. Per a separate agreement, Alptekin would consult on the project as a paid “outside

advisor”—an unusual arrangement, given that he was also Inovo’s lone shareholder and

employee. J.A. 2240, 2571–72.

Project Confidence’s broadly stated mission was to “restore ‘confidence through

clarity’ in [Turkey’s] trade and investment climate.” J.A. 2207. But as the record here

shows, the project’s primary objective was to investigate and publicly disparage Gulen, so

1 Citations to “J.A. __” refer to the Joint Appendix filed by the parties in this appeal.

4 as to foster his extradition. According to an early “playbook” circulated by Rafiekian,

Project Confidence’s “end product” would be a documentary-style video highlighting

“Gulen’s network of loyalists and his influence over them” and comparing him to Iran’s

Ayatollah Khomeini. J.A. 2226–30.

On September 19, 2016, Alptekin hosted a late-night meeting between Rafiekian,

Flynn, and Turkey’s Energy and Foreign Affairs Ministers at a hotel in New York (“the

New York meeting”). The topic of conversation at the meeting was Gulen—specifically

whether he had broken any U.S. laws or could be labeled a terrorist. After the meeting,

Rafiekian emailed Flynn to say that he had received positive “feedback,” but that Alptekin

had also conveyed “very specific expectations” from “their side.” J.A. 2249. Rafiekian

thought some of those “expectations” were borderline “unreasonable,” but he assured

Alptekin that Flynn Intel Group would “deliver what [it had] promise[d].” Id.

Work on Project Confidence ramped up in the fall. Flynn Intel Group hired a public

relations firm, Sphere Consulting, to help investigate Gulen, conduct media outreach, and

produce the aforementioned video. 2 Meanwhile, Rafiekian lobbied at least two members

of Congress to push for public hearings on Gulen and his activities. 3 Alptekin was kept in

the loop via weekly conference calls.

2 Sphere also created a mock board game called “Gulenopoly” that depicted a cartoonish version of Gulen presiding over a “clandestine network of followers” and “shady enterprise.” J.A. 2400. 3 Rafiekian first met with the national security advisor to Representative Michael McCaul, who was then serving as Chairman of the House Committee on Homeland Security. They discussed Project Confidence, and Rafiekian expressed his desire to see

5 On November 2, 2016, Alptekin went to Flynn Intel Group’s headquarters for an

update and presentation on Project Confidence. He was apparently disappointed with the

firm’s progress, stating that he had been “expecting congressional hearings . . . [,] big news

stories . . . [, and] the Department of Justice to be involved,” but was “not seeing anything.”

J.A. 1290. 4 That evening, however, Rafiekian emailed Alptekin a draft of an op-ed he had

composed. The piece—which was deeply critical of Gulen—was published in The Hill on

November 8 under Flynn’s name. Alptekin praised it as “right on target.” J.A. 2320.

The op-ed evidently caught the Government’s eye. On November 30, DOJ sent an

inquiry letter to Flynn to probe whether Flynn Intel Group (or related persons or entities)

might have a “possible obligation to register under the Foreign Agents Registration Act,”

22 U.S.C. § 611 et seq. J.A. 2421–23 (capitalization altered). The letter noted that, in the

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