[644]*644Opinion for the court per curiam.
Concurring opinion, in which BAZELON, Chief Judge, and J. SKELLY WRIGHT, Circuit Judge, join, filed by TAMM, Circuit Judge.
Concurring opinion filed by LEVEN-THAL, Circuit Judge.
Dissenting opinion filed by SPOTTSWOOD W. ROBINSON, III, Circuit Judge.
Dissenting opinion filed by MacKINNON, Circuit Judge.
PER CURIAM:
Ramsey Clark, then a candidate for the nomination of the Democratic Party to run for United States Senator from New York, commenced this action to obtain declaratory and injunctive relief against operation of the provisions governing legislative review of rules, regulations, and advisory opinions of the Federal Election Commission.1 The United States of America, on behalf of the President and the Executive Branch, was granted permissive intervention by the District Court. Five constitu[645]*645tional questions were certified to this court en banc, pursuant to the unique judicial review provision of the Federal Election Campaign Act, as amended (FECA).2 In [646]*646addition, a three-judge District Court was convened to deal with allegations in the complaint regarding Subtitle H of the Internal Revenue Code of 1954, the provisions establishing public financing of presidential elections.3 We have concluded, after care[647]*647ful review of the stipulated facts and the legal arguments tendered, that the matter before us does not present a ripe “case or controversy” within the meaning of Article III. We therefore return the certified questions to the District Court unanswered, with instructions to dismiss.
While this case presents many novel and thorny jurisdictional questions under Article III, we believe we need not address those pertaining to standing or political question, because the unripeness of the action is so pervasive.
As to plaintiff Clark, we are hard put to find any ripe injury or present “personal stake” in whether or how rules, regulations, and advisory opinions of the Commission are reviewed by the legislature. Any ripe nexus arising out of Clark’s position as a senatorial candidate vanished when he failed of nomination. As a voter Clark protested no specific veto action taken by the Congress and identified no proposed regulation tainted by the threat of veto on review. Nor does he suggest that facial provisions of the Act inhibit his political activities as a voter in any way. It may well be that the facial provisions of the Act, if and when implemented, might in some way inhibit his rights as a voter. On this record, however, we must dismiss his present claim as unripe.
The court learned at oral argument that the United States, speaking through the Department of Justice, believes the appropriate test for survival of its complaint in intervention, should Clark be dismissed, is whether it has any independent jurisdictional basis on which to bring suit. We need not decide that question, for it is clear that the sole claim asserted by the United States is also unripe.4
The unconstitutionality complained of by the United States is that the challenged review provisions permitting disapproval of [648]*648rules or regulations by simple resolution (majority vote) of a single House of Congress “impermissibly intrude upon those areas reserved by the Constitution of the United States to the Executive Branch * * *.” Complaint in Intervention at 3, H 10. This claim is expressed at Paragraph 17 as a violation of the separation of powers. More specifically, Paragraph 18 states: “The one-house veto provisions illegally and unconstitutionally permit the evasion of the Presidential veto requirements of Article I, § 7, clauses 1, 2 and 3 of the United States Constitution.” Subsequent paragraphs argue that this amounts to an unconstitutional delegation of legislative power from the full Congress to a single body, giving that single body more than plenary legislative powers, depriving the President and the Executive Branch of their full powers, and permitting either House of Congress to separately perform legislative acts.
Significantly, the United States did not claim that the regulations which were propounded and referred and recently lay before Congress under the challenged review provisions are tainted with political interference. Rather, its claim is that review of Commission regulations and possible veto by a single House, without participation of the other House or the President, deprives the President of his veto power with respect to legislation. The difficult question whether legislative review of regulations constitutes legislation to which the presidential veto necessarily applies also need not be reached in these proceedings because of the unripeness of a challenge based upon the veto power.
The challenged review provisions are really of two parts; the first is constitutionally permissible, and only the second is arguably constitutionally suspect.5 The first element of legislative review envisioned by the challenged Acts requires that when the Commission has settled upon final drafts of rules or regulations embodying the Commission’s interpretation or extrapolation of the statutes, those rules or regulations may not become immediately effective, but must instead lie before the Congress for a period of time during which the Congress may act to disapprove the regulations. If the statutory scheme for review stopped there, it would be presumptively constitutional under Sibbach v. Wilson & Co., 312 U.S. 1, 61 S.Ct. 422, 85 L.Ed. 479 (1941), which stands for the principle that a lying-over provision which delays the effectiveness of an otherwise valid rule or regulation in order to permit Congress to take negative action is not of itself unconstitutional.6 In Sibbach [649]*649it was assumed that the appropriate negative action by Congress during the lying-over period for the Federal Rules of Civil Procedure would be plenary legislation: the adoption of an Act or Joint Resolution suspending the operation of all or some portion of the proposed Rules. When the expression of negation takes the form of plenary legislation, of course, presidential participation is necessary, and no derogation of presidential prerogative in violation of separation of powers appears.
In the instant case, however, the statutes in suit contemplate that the expression of negation during the 30-legislative-day lying-over period (the second part of the review scheme) may be by simple resolution of one House only — the unicameral or one-house veto. It is this aspect of the federal election laws’ legislative review scheme that is strongly challenged. However, it is only the first part of the scheme that has come into play; the clock had run for 28 legislative days when the 94th Congress adjourned sine die7 The challenged part, adoption of a simple resolution of disapproval by either House, has not occurred. If the Commission were to resubmit these same regulations to the 95th Congress, and if the lying-over period expired without any legislative activity, the Commission would then be free to promulgate the proffered regulations, and no presidential prerogative whatever would have been violated. For this reason we hold that this matter is not justiciable on the ground of unripeness with respect to the claim of the United States.8 Until Congress exercises the one-house veto, it may be difficult to present a case with sufficient concreteness as to standing and ripeness to justify judicial resolution of the pervasive constitutional issue which the one-house veto provision involves. See note 10 infra. See also Appendix A infra.
This case has proceeded through the District Court and this court on an expedited schedule with abbreviated briefing. As the Department of Justice notes, its central issue — the constitutional validity of a congressional disapproval device — “represents the continuation of a dispute of major constitutional proportions which has been [650]*650brewing for forty years.”9 No good reason appears why, in the circumstances of this case, this court should now strain to exercise its jurisdiction to resolve this momentous political as well as legal problem. Compare Samuels v. Mackell, 401 U.S. 66, 73, 91 S.Ct. 764, 27 L.Ed.2d 688 (1971). Neither plaintiff nor intervening plaintiff has presented a ripe justiciable “case or controversy” which would permit this court to reach and decide the merits of the constitutional questions respecting a unicameral veto of Commission regulations.10 The certified questions are returned to the District Court unanswered, and the District Court is instructed to dismiss the case.11
So ordered.
WILKEY, Circuit Judge, concurs in the result.
[651]*651APPENDIX A
The Supreme Court in Buckley v. Valeo, 424 U.S. 1, 96 S.Ct. 612, 46 L.Ed.2d 659 (1976), correctly noted that this court had held unripe for resolution constitutional attacks upon five powers delegated to the Federal Election Commission by statute (including the power to make rules subject to lying-over and one-house veto). Thus this court in Buckley limited its constitutional analysis to the propriety of the Commission, as then appointed, exercising those powers respecting which there was record evidence of exercise. As to those found to be exercised, they were determined to be powers properly delegated to a constitutionally appointed legislative commission. The rule-making power then being unexercised, the challenge to it was deemed unripe.
The Supreme Court’s approach was fundamentally different. Focusing upon the full panoply of delegated powers, the Court essayed to determine what method of appointment was necessary for a body exercising all such powers, and determined that the Commission, as then appointed, could not exercise them without running afoul of Art. II, § 2, cl. 2. The Court likewise noted that circumstances had changed since this court’s opinion, as the Commission had undertaken to issue rules and regulations under authority of Section 438(a)(10). It further stated that, while
many of [the Commission’s] other functions remain as yet unexercised, the date of their all but certain exercise is now closer by several months than it was at the time [of the Court of Appeals’ ruling]. Congress was understandably most concerned with obtaining a final adjudication of as many issues as possible litigated pursuant to the provisions of § 437h. Thus, in order to decide the basic question whether the Act’s provision for appointment of the members of the Commission violates the Constitution, we believe we are warranted in considering all of those aspects of the Commission’s authority which have been presented by the certified questions.
424 U.S. at 116-117, 96 S.Ct. at 681.
That said, it is useful to examine the circumstances pertaining to exercise of the one-house veto at the time of the Court’s consideration of Buckley and its treatment of Certified Question No. 8(d), which directly asked the constitutionality of Section 438(c).1 Buckley was argued to this court en banc, sitting jointly with the three-judge District Court, on June 13, 1975. After its submission the Commission, on July 10, 1975, referred to both Houses of Congress regulations that would have subjected con[652]*652tributions to and expenditures from the office accounts of federal officeholders to FECA’s strictures and limitations. Following discussion between the Commission and at least one member of Congress and congressional staff, the regulations were redrafted and resubmitted on September 30, 1975. After hearings the Senate Committee on Rules and Administration submitted its report and a resolution, S. Res. 275, to disapprove both drafts of the regulations. An amendment to the resolution effectively approving the second draft was defeated on the floor by one vote, and then, on October 8,1976, S. Res. 275 disapproving both drafts was agreed to.
Meanwhile, another skein of regulations — governing the place-of-first-filing for reports required under the disclosure provisions of FECA — suffered a similar fate in the House of Representatives. On August 1, 1975 regulations requiring first filing of contribution and expenditure reports with the Commission itself were referred to both Houses. Discussion between the FEC chairman and the chairman of the Committee on House Administration ensued. On October 22, 1975 the House adopted its simple resolution, H.Res. 780, disapproving these document-filing regulations.
On November 10, 1975 Buckley v. Valeo was heard by the Supreme Court.
Second and third versions of the document-filing regulations were referred to both Houses on December 2, 1975. Additional proposed regulations were referred on December 3, 1975 and January 19, 1976.
Thus, unlike the situation, before this court, when the Supreme Court decided Buckley on January 30, 1976, not only were there regulations lying before both Houses (those listed in the paragraph above) still subject to one-house veto, but also such veto had been twice exercised against regulations referred by the extant Commission. Nevertheless, the Court exercised discretion and limited its review in such a way as to avoid passing on the question of the propriety of the one-house veto contained in Question 8(d)’s challenge to Section 438(c):
Appellants make a separate attack on this qualification of the Commission’s rulemaking authority, which is but the most recent episode in a long tug of war between the Executive and Legislative Branches of the Federal Government respecting the permissible extent of legislative involvement in rulemaking under statutes which have already been enacted. * * * Because of our holding that the manner of appointment of the members of the Commission precludes them from exercising the rulemaking powers in question, we have no occasion to address this separate challenge of appellants.
424 U.S. at 140 n.176, 96 S.Ct. at 692 n.176.
The Court even refrained from discussing the propriety of delegating this power to make rules (subject to lying-over and one-house veto) to the properly reconstituted Commission that its opinion implicitly called for:
Thus, on the assumption that all of the powers granted in the statute may be exercised by an agency whose members have been appointed in accordance with the Appointments Clause,176 the ultimate
176 Since in future legislation that may be enacted in response to today’s decision Congress might choose not to confer one or more of the powers under discussion to a properly appointed agency, our assumption is arguendo only. Considerations of ripeness prevent us from deciding, for example, [the question of candidate disqualification]. With respect to this and other powers discussed infra, this page and 138-141, 96 S.Ct. 612, we need pass only upon their nature in relation to the Appointments Clause, and not upon their validity vel non.
question is which, if any, of those powers may be exercised by the present voting Commissioners, none of whom was appointed as provided by that Clause.
Id. at 137 & n.175, 96 S.Ct. at 690 & n.175 (emphasis in original).
Either the Court decided, as a matter or prudence, to postpone review “of the validity vel non ” of Section 438(c) until another day, where it would arise in the context of even more concrete facts than those obtaining in Buckley, or it was saying that there was then insufficient injury and “personal [653]*653stake” to make that question reviewable under Section 437h. The Buckley Court was willing to address far-reaching separation of powers questions with respect to the Appointments Clause without touching the acknowledged separation of powers questions inherent in the legislative review provisions.
This court had determined that Question 8(d) was unripe for review, strongly suggesting that the constitutionality of Section 438(c) was indeed a proper question for adjudication under review provision Section 437h when presented in the context of sufficiently concrete and adverse claims. The Supreme Court, which considered Buckley after the Commission had referred several skeins of regulations under Section 438(a)(10), after there had been redrafting and resubmission following discussions between the Commission and Congress (the arguable or alleged taint of these regulations), and after both Houses had each rendered a unicameral veto under Section 438(c), nonetheless refused to answer Question 8(d). Given that posture then, and the facts of the instant case — in which there was no exercise of the unicameral veto and now no live regulations subject to veto — it seems fair to say that the separation of powers questions inherent in Section 438(c) were more starkly presented by the facts obtaining in Buckley when the Court considered it. If this question is now properly brought under Section 437h even in the absence of exercise of veto, why was it not so in Buckley, where the Supreme Court refused to adjudicate it?
The answer cannot lie wholly in the changed appointment of the Commission, for the Court’s opinion actually permitted the regulations lying over when Buckley came down to be unicamerally vetoed, or promulgated after escaping veto. After determining that the admixture of the Commission’s method of appointment and statutorily delegated powers violated the Constitution, the Court did not void all prior actions of the Federal Election Commission, but instead held “that the Commission’s inability to exercise certain powers because of the method by which its members have been selected should not affect the validity of the Commission’s administrative actions and determinations” through the date of the Court’s opinion. 424 U.S. at 142, 96 S.Ct. at 693. “The past acts of the Commission are therefore accorded de facto validity * * * » jy
Thus the regulations referred and lying over as of the date of the Court’s opinion were properly referred. Further, the Court stayed “for a period not to exceed 30 days” —and later extended for 20 days more— “the Court’s judgment insofar as it affects the authority of the Commission [prospectively] to exercise the duties and powers'" granted it under the Act.” Id. at 143, 96 S.Ct. at 693. Therefore, Congress remained free after Buckley to veto the pending regulations unicamerally, and at the same time the Commission remained free (for the duration of the stay) to promulgate any regulations which survived the lying-over period. That the Court’s Buckley decision left this power in the Commission during the pendency of the stay is recognized by Finding of Fact 45 in the instant case:
45. The Commission decided, after the decision in Buckley v. Valeo, that, even though the thirty legislative days had passed since the regulations were submitted to Congress and no resolution of disapproval had been passed, it would be inappropriate for the Commission to prescribe any regulations prior to Congressional action on bills then pending to reconstitute. the Commission as an independent agency.
The Supreme Court’s forbearance from deciding Question 8(d) in Buckley even on the facts then presented, should guide this court with respect to the concreteness of adversity required for decision. To suggest that the constitutionality of Section 438 must be determined now, simply because it has been raised under Section 437h by a person eligible to vote for President of the United States in any election, appears to fly in the face of the outcome in Buckley.
TAMM, Circuit Judge, with whom BA-ZELON, Chief Judge, and J. SKELLY WRIGHT, Circuit Judge, join, concurring.
Although I agree with the reasoning of the court’s per curiam opinion ordering a [654]*654dismissal of this case for lack of ripeness, I wish to add a few words concerning the claim of the United States to participate in this litigation as a party with independent standing. Nothing in our decision today should be taken as an approval of the sweeping claim of the United States that in the absence of both a statutory authorization to sue and an articulated injury to an interest of the federal government as a whole, it nonetheless can come into court and challenge the actions of one branch of the federal government as an unconstitutional invasion of the powers of another branch.
The United States of course relies on In re Debs, 158 U.S. 564,15 S.Ct. 900, 39 L.Ed. 1092 (1895) and its progeny. These cases are readily distinguishable from the case at hand. The broad language in Debs, referring to the right of the Government to seek assistance from its own courts in advancing the general welfare, was included to refute the argument that the Government had to show a pecuniary interest before it could bring suit. See In re Debs, supra, 158 U.S. at 584, 15 S.Ct. 900. Moreover, the Debs Court specifically noted that the duty on which the standing of the United States rested arose not simply from the constitutional grant of power to regulate commerce but from congressional action expressly assuming and implementing that power. Id. at 586, 599, 15 S.Ct. 900. In this case the Government does not refer us to any statutory scheme implementing a constitutional grant of power from which there arises, either expressly or impliedly, a duty of the United States to protect one branch of the federal government from another.
The only injury alleged by the Government here is a conflict of views between the Executive and Legislative branches of the federal government as to the constitutional prerogatives of the Executive. At oral argument the Government characterized this injury as an infringement of the Constitution which it has an interest in protecting arising from its constitutional duty to take care that the laws are faithfully executed. Not only does this argument assume a role for the Executive as the “protector of the Constitution”, but it also presupposes a decision on the merits of this suit. Whether the statutory provisions the Government seeks to challenge do or do not infringe on the constitutional powers of the President remains a question for the courts to decide, not the Executive. The most the Government can allege in this case is that it seeks to defend the President’s view of what the Constitution requires.1
In its brief the Government cites New York Times Co. v. United States, 403 U.S. 713, 741-42, 91 S.Ct. 2140, 29 L.Ed.2d 822 (1971) (Marshall, J., concurring), United States v. ICC, 337 U.S. 426, 69 S.Ct. 1410, 93 L.Ed. 1451 (1949), and United States v. California, 332 U.S. 19, 67 S.Ct. 1658, 91 L.Ed. 1889 (1947), as additional support for its claim of standing. In New York Times the Government sought to enjoin the publication of a classified report about the conduct of the Vietnam war on the grounds that publication would damage the national security of the United States. Justice Marshall, in his concurring opinion, first noted the broad powers of the President by virtue of his constitutionally-delegated primary responsibility for the conduct of foreign affairs, 403 U.S. at 741, 91 S.Ct. 2140, and then commented that
in some situations it may be that under whatever inherent powers the Government may have, as well as the implicit authority derived from the President’s mandate to conduct foreign affairs and to act as Commander in Chief, there is a basis for the invocation of the equity jurisdiction of this Court as an aid to prevent the publication of material damaging to “national security”
[655]*655Id. at 742, 91 S.Ct. at 2155. The Constitution does not give the President any duty to protect the Constitution from allegedly unconstitutional legislation comparable to his self-executing mandate to conduct foreign affairs. Moreover, the alleged injury to “national security” in New York Times was clearly an injury to the United States as a whole, its government and its people.
In United States v. ICC, supra, the United States filed suit to challenge an order of the Interstate Commerce Commission which had denied the Government’s claim for damages from allegedly unlawful railroad rates. The United States, however, was also made a defendant by statute in any action to set aside an order of the ICC. See United States v. ICC, supra, 337 U.S. at 429, 69 S.Ct. 1410. The Supreme Court reversed the dismissal of the Government’s suit by a three judge district court, reasoning that the Government, like any other shipper, was free to litigate the legality of sums of money exacted from it by railroads, and that nothing in the statute which made the United States a defendant in actions challenging ICC orders indicated a congressional purpose to amend existing statutes empowering the Attorney General to seek judicial redress for the Government. Id. at 430-32, 69 S.Ct. 1410. Neither of the grounds for the United States’ presence as a party in United States v. ICC supports its claim of standing in this case. Here there is no claim of “injury in fact” to the United States as a whole comparable to illegally exacted shipping charges, and there is no statute authorizing its participation as a party.
The Government’s reliance on United States v. California, supra, is equally unavailing. In that case the United States filed suit to enjoin California and its lessees from trespassing on offshore lands over which the United States claimed fee simple ownership. 332 U.S. at 22-23, 67 S.Ct. 1658. Although the Court rejected the defendants’ argument that the Attorney General had no authority to bring the suit, it did so on the basis that Congress had not restricted the existing statutory authority of the Attorney General to safeguard government rights and properties by instituting litigation. Id. at 27-29, 67 S.Ct. 1658. Moreover, the alleged infringement of property rights by California in that case was clearly an injury to the United States as a whole.
At oral argument the Government referred us to three other cases which it maintained also support its independent participation as a party in this case. United States v. San Jacinto Tin Co., 125 U.S. 273, 8 S.Ct. 850, 31 L.Ed. 747 (1888); Booth v. Fletcher, 69 U.S.App.D.C. 351, 101 F.2d 676 (1938); Brennan v. Buckeye Industries, Inc., 374 F.Supp. 1350 (S.D.Ga.1974). I cannot agree.
In San Jacinto the United States sued to set aside a land patent issued by the United States on the grounds that it was based on a fraudulent survey.2 San Jacinto, supra, 125 U.S. at 274-75, 8 S.Ct. 850. San Jacinto asserted that the Attorney General had no general authority to sue in the name of the United States to set aside a patent. The Court disagreed but treated the issue as a question of the authority of the Attorney General, rather than standing of the United States. See id. at 278-85, 8 S.Ct. 850. The Court’s opinion clearly indicates, however, that the standing of the United States depended on a showing of injury in fact sufficient to give it a stake in the outcome of the litigation greater than a generalized interest in the success of a particular legal or constitutional argument.
But we are of opinion that since the right of the government of the United States to institute such a suit depends upon the same general principles which would authorize a private citizen to apply to a court of justice for relief against an [656]*656instrument obtained from him by fraud or deceit, or any of those other practices which are admitted to justify a court in granting relief, the government must show that, like the private individual, it has such an interest in the relief sought as entitles it to move in the matter.
In all the decisions to which we have just referred it is either expressed or implied that this interest or duty of the United States must exist as the foundation of the right of action.
Id. at 285-86, 8 S.Ct. at 857. There is no injury alleged by the United States in this case which is comparable to the loss of mineral rights and other property interests which served as a basis for the United States action in San Jacinto. Moreover, there is nothing in the rationale of the San Jacinto opinion to justify the independent participation of the United States in a lawsuit as a “protector of the Constitution.”
Booth v. Fletcher, supra, is inapposite to the Government’s position in this case on both its facts and reasoning. In Booth the plaintiff challenged the participation of the Attorney General as counsel for judicial officers and Department of Justice employees whom he sought to sue in their “individual capacity” for their role in his allegedly unlawful disbarment. The case did not involve any question of the United States as a party to the suit and certainly not as a party plaintiff. The Attorney General merely claimed the authority to act as defense counsel for United States officers and employees being sued for actions “clearly within the scope of their authority.” Booth, supra, 69 U.S.App.D.C. at 356, 101 F.2d at 681. Admittedly the court based its holding on a statute which authorized the Attorney General to appear in any case in which “he deems it for the interest of the United States”, id., and upon the finding that the United States has an interest in protecting its officers from retaliatory suits resulting from the proper performance of their duties. Even by analogy that reasoning is of no avail to the Government’s claim of standing in this case, however. The interest of the United States is not having its agents deterred in the performance of their duties by the threat of personally defending costly court actions is clearly an interest shared by the United States as a whole and distinct from an interest in defending the theory of one particular branch of the federal government as to its constitutional prerogatives.
Like Booth, Brennan v. Buckeye Industries, Inc., supra, does not deal directly with the question of standing of the United States. In Brennan the defendant challenged neither the standing of the United States, which in any event was not a party to the suit, nor the standing of the Secretary of Labor, who was. The defendant’s jurisdictional attack challenged the power of a federal court to entertain the proceeding brought by the Secretary, arguing that the specific provisions of the Occupational Safety and Health Act, 29 U.S.C. §§ 657(b), 662, 666(k) (1970) were exclusive and precluded reliance on the general grants of jurisdiction in sections 13373 and 13454 of title 28 of the United States Code. The district court found that “[njothing in the Act under consideration limits or affects the applicability of § 1337 or § 1345.” Id. at 1353. It then held that it did have jurisdiction because
[ujnless legislation should expressly provide that jurisdiction of a district court is [657]*657limited by the special jurisdictional provisions of an Act, the right of the United States to sue under § 1337 and § 1345 is not affected.
Id.
The Government’s citation of Brennan in support of its standing claim in this case apparently refers to that court’s comment that
[t]he absence of specific statutory authority for an action by the United States in a particular instance is no obstacle to original jurisdiction under § 1345.
Id. at 1352-53. In fact Brennan was concerned only with the question of the statutory basis for federal court jurisdiction to which section 1345 is directly applicable. Section 1345 is not relevant to the separate question of standing of the United States. It is merely a statutory expression of the Congress’ constitutional power to define the jurisdiction of federal courts without which a federal court cannot entertain a suit regardless of how solidly a litigant establishes his standing. If the United States has the capacity and standing to bring a suit, then section 1345 gives the federal courts jurisdiction over that suit.
Of course, standing is also a jurisdictional issue, but one conceptually distinct from the issue addressed by section 1345. The need for a statutory basis for federal court jurisdiction derives from the fact that the first sentence of Article III of the Constitution5 is not self-executing but rather depends on an affirmative congressional grant of jurisdiction. The question of standing is addressed to the constitutional and prudential concerns that a litigant show sufficient personal stake in the outcome of a suit to satisfy the case or controversy requirement of Article III.
In this action the Government has failed to allege any facts from which this court could find an injury in fact to the United States as a whole which would enable the United States to invoke the jurisdiction of a federal court. The court’s per curiam states that it is unnecessary to decide the question of standing for the United States because the only claim presented by the United States is not ripe. I fully agree with the court’s decision as to ripeness. I think that it is important to emphasize, •however, that the court’s silence on the issue of standing should not give rise to any inference that the United States could maintain this suit as an independent party.