Democracy Partners, LLC v. Project Veritas Action Fund

CourtDistrict Court, District of Columbia
DecidedMarch 31, 2020
DocketCivil Action No. 2017-1047
StatusPublished

This text of Democracy Partners, LLC v. Project Veritas Action Fund (Democracy Partners, LLC v. Project Veritas Action Fund) is published on Counsel Stack Legal Research, covering District Court, District of Columbia primary law. Counsel Stack provides free access to over 12 million legal documents including statutes, case law, regulations, and constitutions.

Bluebook
Democracy Partners, LLC v. Project Veritas Action Fund, (D.D.C. 2020).

Opinion

UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT FOR THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA

DEMOCRACY PARTNERS, et al.,

Plaintiffs,

v. Civil Action No. 17-1047 (ESH)

PROJECT VERITAS ACTION FUND, et al.,

Defendants.

MEMORANDUM OPINION

This case arises from an undercover operation conducted in 2016 by Project Veritas to

infiltrate the Washington, D.C. office of Democracy Partners, LLC. Project Veritas’ goal was to

secretly record conversations and gain access to confidential information about work by

Democracy Partners related to the 2016 Presidential election. Project Veritas accomplished its

goal by having one of its employees, Allison Maass, use a false identity and obtain an unpaid

internship with Democracy Partners and then secretly record every minute of her internship.

Project Veritas used the recordings, along with other materials, in a four-part series it published

on YouTube entitled “Rigging the Election.”

In 2017, Democracy Partners; Robert Creamer, its president; and Strategic Consulting

Group, NA, Inc. (“Strategic Consulting”), a member of Democracy Partners owned and operated

by Creamer, filed this lawsuit against Project Veritas; Project Veritas Action Fund; James

O’Keefe, the founder and president of both Project Veritas organizations; and Maass, claiming

that defendants had violated the federal and District of Columbia wiretap statutes and committed

the common law torts of trespass, breach of fiduciary duty, fraudulent misrepresentation, and civil conspiracy. Before the Court is defendants’ motion for summary judgment (ECF No. 63).

For the reasons stated herein, the motion is granted in part and denied in part.

BACKGROUND

I. FACTUAL BACKGROUND

Unless otherwise noted, the following facts are either undisputed or established by

uncontroverted evidence.

Plaintiff Democracy Partners is a limited liability company to which a number of

companies and sole proprietorships belong as members. (Pls.’ Statement of Material Facts ¶ 87,

ECF No. 68-1 (“Pls.’ Facts”).) The members include a number of consultants and vendors to

progressive organizations and Democratic campaigns and committees. (Compl. ¶ 19.)

Democracy Partners itself does not have employees, but it serves as a common marketing vehicle

for its members, in which capacity it retains various consultants to serve the members’ common

interests. (Pls.’ Facts ¶¶ 89, 90.) Membership is governed by a formal operating agreement, and

members contribute to cover some of the shared costs through modest annual dues or in-kind

services. (Defs.’ Statement of Material Facts ¶ 88, ECF No. 63-2 (“Defs.’ Facts”); Pls.’ Facts

¶¶ 87, 88.) Plaintiff Robert Creamer, a political consultant, is the sole owner and operator of

plaintiff Strategic Consulting, a corporate member of Democracy Partners. (Defs.’ Facts ¶ 2.)

Strategic Consulting “provides campaign-related services to progressive organizations and

Democratic campaigns and committees.” (Compl. ¶ 18.)

In 2016, Democracy Partners and Strategic Consulting both operated out of Suite 250 at

1250 Eye Street, NW, in Washington, D.C. (Defs.’ Facts ¶¶ 94, 96.) They shared the suite with

Mike Lux Media, American Family Voices, and Aaron Black. (Defs.’ Facts ¶ 94.) Mike Lux

Media was a member of Democracy Partners; it was solely owned and operated by Mike Lux.

2 (Defs.’ Facts ¶ 92.) Aaron Black was an individual member of Democracy Partners. (Pls.’ Facts

¶ 85.) He had a desk in Suite 250, and he worked with Strategic Consulting and Creamer. (Pls.’

Facts ¶ 85.) American Family Voices was not a member of Democracy Partners, but Mike Lux

was on its staff and Lauren Windsor, its Executive Director, also worked out of Suite 250.

(Defs.’ Facts ¶ 93.) However, the lease for Suite 250 was held by Americans United for Change

(“AUFC”).1 (Defs.’ Facts ¶ 99.) Democracy Partners did not have a sublease, and it paid no rent

in 2016. (Defs.’ Facts ¶¶ 105, 108, 110.) Strategic Consulting had a sublease, and it paid rent in

2016. (Defs.’ Facts ¶¶ 104, 109.)

In addition to holding the lease for Suite 250, AUFC was client of Strategic Consulting.

(Defs.’ Facts ¶ 36.) It had an oral contract with Strategic Consulting to pay it $11,000 per month

for consulting services, and it paid an additional amount for automated telephone calls and other

specific services. (Defs.’ Facts ¶ 36; Pls.’ Facts ¶ 37.) Brad Woodhouse was the head of AUFC.

(Pls.’ Facts ¶ 37.)

A second client of Strategic Consulting in 2016 with relevance to this litigation was the

American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees (“AFSCME”). (Defs.’ Facts

¶ 21.) Pursuant to its contract with Strategic Consulting, AFSCME paid Strategic Consulting

$3,000 per month for consulting services plus an additional amount to provide “automated

telephone calls and other specific services.” (Defs.’ Facts ¶¶ 21, 22; Pls.’ Facts ¶ 21.) Lee

Saunders was the president of AFSCME, Scott Frey was its director of government affairs. and

Bill Lurye was its chief of staff. (Defs.’ Facts ¶¶ 23, 24; Pls.’ Facts ¶ 23.) AFSCME was

1 AUFC first leased Suite 250 in 2011, and it used the office space, along with several sublessees, including Strategic Consulting, from 2011 until 2015. (Defs.’ Facts ¶¶ 99, 100.) It moved out in 2015, but it remained the leaseholder and continued to possess key cards to the suite. (Defs.’ Facts ¶ 100.)

3 AUFC’s principal funder. (Defs.’ Facts ¶ 38.)

Several other individuals and entities had relationships with plaintiffs in 2016 that are

relevant to this litigation. Mobilize, Inc., was a limited liability corporation solely owned by

Linda Saucedo. (Pls.’ Facts ¶ 13.) Saucedo was also employed by Strategic Consulting. (Pls.’

Facts ¶ 7.) Mobilize had a contract with the Democratic National Committee (“DNC”) to

manage its “bracketing” program, the purpose of which was to present counter-messaging

wherever candidate Trump or his running mate held events. (Pls.’ Facts ¶ 13; Creamer Decl.

¶ 9.) Mobilize hired Strategic Consulting to provide the core services required under the

contract. (Pls.’ Facts ¶ 91; Creamer Decl. ¶ 9.) Strategic Consulting hired Scott Foval to serve

as one of the consultants for the DNC contract with Mobilize. (Defs.’ Facts ¶ 7; Pls.’ Facts ¶ 7;

Creamer Decl. ¶ 9.) For that job, he reported to Creamer. (Pls.’ Facts ¶ 13.) Foval was also

hired by AUFC as a field director. (Pls.’ Facts ¶ 6.)

Defendant Project Veritas, Inc., is a § 501(c)(3) organization that conducts investigations

into a wide range of matters it considers to be of public interest. (Defs.’ Facts ¶¶ 1, 55.)

Defendant Project Veritas Action Fund is a § 501(c)(4) organization that investigates election

issues and political campaigns.2 (Defs.’ Facts ¶ 1.) Defendant James O’Keefe is the founder and

President of both Project Veritas and Project Veritas Action Fund. (Pls.’ Facts ¶ 1; O’Keefe Aff.

¶¶ 2-3.) Defendant Allison Maass was, at all relevant times, an employee of Project Veritas.

(See Maass Dep. at 22:6-9 (Sandler Decl. Ex. 19).) Two other Project Veritas employees played

roles in the undercover investigation that led to the present litigation -- Daniel Sandini3 and

2 Both § 501(c)(3) and § 501(c)(4) organizations are tax-exempt. See 26 U.S.C. § 501(c)(3), (4).

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