Delmarva Power & Light Co. v. Public Service Commission

803 A.2d 460, 370 Md. 1, 2002 Md. LEXIS 155
CourtCourt of Appeals of Maryland
DecidedApril 8, 2002
Docket75, Sept. Term 2001
StatusPublished
Cited by28 cases

This text of 803 A.2d 460 (Delmarva Power & Light Co. v. Public Service Commission) is published on Counsel Stack Legal Research, covering Court of Appeals of Maryland primary law. Counsel Stack provides free access to over 12 million legal documents including statutes, case law, regulations, and constitutions.

Bluebook
Delmarva Power & Light Co. v. Public Service Commission, 803 A.2d 460, 370 Md. 1, 2002 Md. LEXIS 155 (Md. 2002).

Opinion

WILNER, Judge.

We have before us a broad range of issues arising from an order of the Public Service Commission (PSC) that implements, in part, the restructuring and partial deregulation of electric and natural gas utilities in Maryland. Most of the issues presented by the utilities are substantive in nature, testing whether the Commission has the authority to do some of what it did. The only issue that we need address on the merits, however, is whether the PSC order constitutes a regulation, as defined in the Administrative Procedure Act (APA), and is ineffective for failure to comply with the requirements of that Act. We shall answer that question in the affirmative, and, for that reason, reverse the judgment of the Circuit Court.

BACKGROUND

The early operation of what we now refer to as public utilities, including electric and gas companies, was, for the most part, under franchises conferred by the local municipalities in which they did business, franchises that they needed in *5 order to lay pipes or string wires under, along, or above public streets and highways. In conformance with the prevailing economic philosophy that competition produced the greatest efficiency and thus the greatest public good, many municipalities were content to grant multiple franchises, which led to several companies competing in the same service area. It eventually became apparent, however, that the resulting competition was not in the public interest — some of the companies disappeared and the remaining competition became chaotic and inefficient. See, in general, Gregg A. Jarrell, The Demand for State Regulation of the Electric Utility Industry, 21 J.L. & Econ. 269, 273-74 (1978); see also Oscar L. Pond, A Treatise on tiie Law of Public Utilities chs. 29-31 (3d ed.1925). As noted by one commentator:

“Competition which was relied upon to insure for the public reasonable rates and satisfactory service proved to be elusive and non-enduring.... it continually was disappearing as the result of bankruptcies, consolidations, and formal or informal agreements, leaving in its wake torn-up streets, ‘dead’ wires and useless poles and pipes, enormous overcapitalization, and paralyzed service.”

Burton Behling, Competition and Monopoly in Public Utility Industries 54 (1938), quoted in Jarrell, supra, at 274.

The failure of competition to provide efficient service led public policy planners and governments to recognize these kinds of utilities as “natural” monopolies. The actual experience seemed to confirm the economic theory that, “freedom of entry is wasteful if firms have extensive scale economies relative to the size of the market. If the average cost curve of the typical firm falls over the entire extent of market demand, resources are necessarily wasted if more than one firm produces, since a single firm could produce the market output more cheaply.” Jarrell, supra, at 272. See also Harold Koontz and Richard W. Gable, Public Control or Economic Enterprise 208-09 (1956). The economic imperative that each firm would have to expand output up to what the market would bear in order to lower unit costs and thereby compete would eventually drive all but one firm out of business; hence, *6 the notion of a “natural” monopoly. The problem, of course, was that, once a monopolistic state was achieved, the remaining firm was free to inflate its prices beyond those which unit costs would justify, thereby producing at best the very inefficiency, from the consumer’s point of view, that would have prevailed under the competitive model.

This left governments the choice of either acquiring the enterprise and operating it as a public entity or allowing the private monopoly to continue but under extensive public regulation, as a “guarded” monopoly. The initial choice was the former, but increasingly in the early Twentieth Century, it became the latter. Borrowing from notions articulated in Matthew Hale’s Seventeenth Century treatise on the regulation of seaports, De Portibus Mans, both the State and Federal governments eventually came to accept the principle, as a matter of political economy, that the public good was best served by not only permitting, but assuring, a monopolistic structure, coupled with extensive government control over the rates, service, and operations of such a structure. See Herbert Hovenkamp, Technology, Politics, and Regulated Monopoly: An American Historical Perspective, 62 Tex. L.Rev. 1263, 1282-84 (1984); Munn v. Illinois, 94 U.S. 113, 24 L.Ed. 77 (1876). Pond observes that, “[ujnder this method the state through its [public utility] commission takes the place of competition and furnishes the regulation which competition cannot give, and at the same time avoids the expense of duplication in the investment and operation of competing municipal public utilities.” Pond, supra, § 901.

Both the Federal and the State governments employed a commission approach to the regulation of energy production and distribution. After 1920, the interstate aspects became subject to regulation by the Federal Power Commission, later by the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission. Intrastate aspects were subjected to the authority of State public utility commissions that began forming in the first decade of the Twentieth Century.

*7 Maryland adopted this approach in 1910, when the Legislature created the Public Service Commission and authorized it to regulate the activities of public service companies, including gas and electric companies. The regulation was pervasive. Over time, the PSC was given the authority, among other things, (1) to restrict actual entry into the regulated industry, 1 (2) to prescribe standards for safe, adequate, reasonable, and proper service for any class of utility, PUC § 5-101(a), (3) to require a utility to continue any service that it renders to the public under a franchise, id. § 5-103(a), (4) to preclude the transfer or abandonment of a franchise, id. § 5-202, (5) to regulate the rates charged by utilities by setting a “just and reasonable rate” for them, as a maximum rate, a minimum rate, or both, id. § 4-102, (6) to prohibit a utility from acquiring the capital stock of another utility incorporated in Maryland, id. § 5-203, (7) to require a variety of reports and information from utilities, id. §§ 5-302, 6-201 to -210, and (8) to regulate the issuance of stock and evidence of indebtedness by utilities, id. § 6-102.

Under this regime, gas companies and electric companies were assigned geographical areas of the State and allowed to operate, in those regions, as regulated monopolies. See, for example, Case No. 6017, Order No. 56203, In the Matter of the Establishment of Service Areas of Electric Utilities within the State of Maryland, 57 Md. PSC 59 (1966) (assigning geographic territories to electric companies).

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803 A.2d 460, 370 Md. 1, 2002 Md. LEXIS 155, Counsel Stack Legal Research, https://law.counselstack.com/opinion/delmarva-power-light-co-v-public-service-commission-md-2002.