Skidmore v. Baltimore & OR Co.
Opinions
FRANK, Circuit Judge.
1. The judge properly denied the motion for a directed verdict or a new trial. The evidence was sufficient to justify the jury in concluding (a) that defendant directed plaintiff to work in the manner and at the place in which he .worked, and (b) that defendant was negligent, in requiring plaintiff to perform such services when defendant had not cleared the snow and ice under the car. Since the judge properly charged with respect to a deduction for contributory negligence, pursuant to the Act, we must assume that the jury made such a deduction. On the record before us, we cannot [56] say that, after a reasonable deduction, a verdict of $30,000 was excessive (assuming that we have the power to consider that question).
2. Defendant argues that the judge erred in denying its request for a special verdict. We cannot agree.
Undeniably, the verdict affords no satisfactory information about the jury’s findings. But almost every general verdict sheds similar or even greater darkness. Such verdicts account for much (not all) of the criticism of the civil jury. Some revaluation of the jury system seems not unjustified in the light of the fact that ours is the only country in the world where it is still highly prized. Lauded as essential to individual liberty and democracy, and imported in the late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries from England and the United States, trial by jury was adopted in criminal cases on the European continent,1 but subsequently ceased there, in pre-Hitler days, to maintain its popularity.2 Nor can that attitude be explained as a symptom of decreased interest in democracy and individualism. For Scotland, surely long a land of liberty-loving individualists, having in the sixteenth century virtually rejected the civil jury,3 re-adopted it in 1815, and, still later, all but gave it up. In England, whence trial by jury came to us, it is now seldom employed in civil suits, has been abandoned in criminal prosecutions other than for major crimes, and even there is used decreasingly.4 In the United States, the number of jury-waivers indicates the jury’s slowly waning popularity.5 But here, especially in the federal courts, the civil jury, in many [57] cases, cannot be eliminated except by constitutional amendments. We must, then, as to some kind of cases,6 assume that it will long be with us.
But what many persons regard as its major defects can be mitigated. One device which will help to achieve that end is the special or fact verdict. Those who resent any reform which invades the jury’s province should be reassured by the historians who teach that the special verdict is no new-fangled idea, but one almost as old as the jury itself, older indeed than the modern jury. In those early days, Morgan tells us, jurors often successfully insisted upon the right to render such verdicts against the desires of the judges who wanted general verdicts.7 To be sure, in this country, during the latter part of the eighteenth and the early part of the nineteenth centuries, the right to return a general verdict was highly esteemed as the jury’s prerogative, especially in criminal cases; the judges then instructed the juries that they were to decide both “the law” and the facts, not being bound by the opinion of the trial judge.8 Most jurisdictions later repudiated that doctrine.9 The courts and legal writers declared that, if juries had the right to ignore the judges’ instructions as to the applicable legal rules, the “law” would “become as variable as the prejudices, the inclinations and the passions of men”; “the parties would suffer from an arbitrary decision”; “decisions would depend entirely upon juries uncontrolled by any settled, fixed, legal principle,” and would be “according to what the jury in their own opinion suppose the law is or ought to be”; our government” would “cease to be a government of laws and become a government of men”; “jurors would become not only judges but legislators as well”; the “law” would “be as fluctuating and uncertain as the diverse opinions of different juries in regard to it”; jurors would be “superior to the national legislature, and its laws * * * subject to their control” so that a “law of Congress” would “be in operation in one state and not in another.”10
Yet no amount of brave talk can do away with the fact that, when a jury returns an ordinary general verdict, it usually has the power utterly to ignore what the judge instructs it concerning the substantive legal rules, a power which, because generally it cannot be controlled,11 is in[58] distinguishable for all practical purposes, from a “right.”12 Practically, then, for all we may say about the jury’s duty when it renders a verdict, we now do have the very conditions which we were warned would result if the jury ha'd the right to decide legal pro-positions: cases are often decided “according to what the jury suppose the law is or ought to be”; the “law,” when juries sit, is “as fluctuating and uncertain as the diverse opinion of different juries in regard to it”; and often jurors are “not only judges but legislatures as well.” Indeed, some devotees of the jury system praise "it precisely because, they say, juries, by means of general verdicts, can and often do nullify those substantive legal rules they dislike,13 thus becoming ad hoc ephemeral [59] (un-elected) legislatures 14 (a state of affairs singularly neglected by most writers on jurisprudence,
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FRANK, Circuit Judge.
1. The judge properly denied the motion for a directed verdict or a new trial. The evidence was sufficient to justify the jury in concluding (a) that defendant directed plaintiff to work in the manner and at the place in which he .worked, and (b) that defendant was negligent, in requiring plaintiff to perform such services when defendant had not cleared the snow and ice under the car. Since the judge properly charged with respect to a deduction for contributory negligence, pursuant to the Act, we must assume that the jury made such a deduction. On the record before us, we cannot [56] say that, after a reasonable deduction, a verdict of $30,000 was excessive (assuming that we have the power to consider that question).
2. Defendant argues that the judge erred in denying its request for a special verdict. We cannot agree.
Undeniably, the verdict affords no satisfactory information about the jury’s findings. But almost every general verdict sheds similar or even greater darkness. Such verdicts account for much (not all) of the criticism of the civil jury. Some revaluation of the jury system seems not unjustified in the light of the fact that ours is the only country in the world where it is still highly prized. Lauded as essential to individual liberty and democracy, and imported in the late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries from England and the United States, trial by jury was adopted in criminal cases on the European continent,1 but subsequently ceased there, in pre-Hitler days, to maintain its popularity.2 Nor can that attitude be explained as a symptom of decreased interest in democracy and individualism. For Scotland, surely long a land of liberty-loving individualists, having in the sixteenth century virtually rejected the civil jury,3 re-adopted it in 1815, and, still later, all but gave it up. In England, whence trial by jury came to us, it is now seldom employed in civil suits, has been abandoned in criminal prosecutions other than for major crimes, and even there is used decreasingly.4 In the United States, the number of jury-waivers indicates the jury’s slowly waning popularity.5 But here, especially in the federal courts, the civil jury, in many [57] cases, cannot be eliminated except by constitutional amendments. We must, then, as to some kind of cases,6 assume that it will long be with us.
But what many persons regard as its major defects can be mitigated. One device which will help to achieve that end is the special or fact verdict. Those who resent any reform which invades the jury’s province should be reassured by the historians who teach that the special verdict is no new-fangled idea, but one almost as old as the jury itself, older indeed than the modern jury. In those early days, Morgan tells us, jurors often successfully insisted upon the right to render such verdicts against the desires of the judges who wanted general verdicts.7 To be sure, in this country, during the latter part of the eighteenth and the early part of the nineteenth centuries, the right to return a general verdict was highly esteemed as the jury’s prerogative, especially in criminal cases; the judges then instructed the juries that they were to decide both “the law” and the facts, not being bound by the opinion of the trial judge.8 Most jurisdictions later repudiated that doctrine.9 The courts and legal writers declared that, if juries had the right to ignore the judges’ instructions as to the applicable legal rules, the “law” would “become as variable as the prejudices, the inclinations and the passions of men”; “the parties would suffer from an arbitrary decision”; “decisions would depend entirely upon juries uncontrolled by any settled, fixed, legal principle,” and would be “according to what the jury in their own opinion suppose the law is or ought to be”; our government” would “cease to be a government of laws and become a government of men”; “jurors would become not only judges but legislators as well”; the “law” would “be as fluctuating and uncertain as the diverse opinions of different juries in regard to it”; jurors would be “superior to the national legislature, and its laws * * * subject to their control” so that a “law of Congress” would “be in operation in one state and not in another.”10
Yet no amount of brave talk can do away with the fact that, when a jury returns an ordinary general verdict, it usually has the power utterly to ignore what the judge instructs it concerning the substantive legal rules, a power which, because generally it cannot be controlled,11 is in[58] distinguishable for all practical purposes, from a “right.”12 Practically, then, for all we may say about the jury’s duty when it renders a verdict, we now do have the very conditions which we were warned would result if the jury ha'd the right to decide legal pro-positions: cases are often decided “according to what the jury suppose the law is or ought to be”; the “law,” when juries sit, is “as fluctuating and uncertain as the diverse opinion of different juries in regard to it”; and often jurors are “not only judges but legislatures as well.” Indeed, some devotees of the jury system praise "it precisely because, they say, juries, by means of general verdicts, can and often do nullify those substantive legal rules they dislike,13 thus becoming ad hoc ephemeral [59] (un-elected) legislatures 14 (a state of affairs singularly neglected by most writers on jurisprudence,
“Competent observers,” writes Judge [60] Rossman, “who have interviewed the jurors in scores of jury trials, declare that, in many cases where the general verdict was employed, principal issues received no consideration whatever from the jury.
The general verdict enhances, to the maximum, the power of appeals to the biases and prejudices of the jurors,
Small wonder that Thayer commented that jury trials are “a potent cause of demoralization to- the bar,”20 or that Morgan, well versed in trial tactics, in reviewing a book on jury trial techniques, recently wrote :21 “If only some lawyer could rise up and honestly denounce Mr. Gold-stein as a defamer of his profession. * * * If only a reviewer cotjld assert that this book is a guide not to the palaces of virtue but to the red-light districts of the law. But a decent respect for the truth compels the admission that Mr. Gold-stein has told his story truly. He has told [63] it calmly, without a pretense of shame and [God save us!] without the slightest suspicion of its shamefulness. He has shown by his own unperturbed frankness with what compliance the profession, which would smile the superior smile of derision at the suggestion of a trial by battle of bodies, accepts trial by battle of wits. In all innocence, he has produced a volume which is a devastating commentary upon an important aspect of our administration of justice.” Not that lawyers, trying to protect their clients, should be censured for employing the strategems described in such a book — as long as we retain the general-verdict jury system. But, with the general verdict in operation, and those strategems as its usual concomitants, it should not be surprising that one of the members of this court said, “I am by no means enamored of jury trials, at least in civil cases * * *22”, and that Mr. Justice Cardozo, speaking for the Supreme Court, remarked, “Few would be so narrow or provincial as to maintain that a fair and enlightened system of justice would be impossible without” trial by jury.
That is not to say that, by way of contrast with juries, all trial judges are free of all susceptibility to emotional appeals, or that — although most trial judges, because of experience, are more skilled in fact-finding than juries and better armored against the seductive wiles of lawyers
Perhaps the least desirable feature of the general verdict, a feature which the fact verdict wipes out, is this: The theory of the general verdict involves the assumption that the jury fully comprehends the judge’s instructions concerning the applicable substantive legal rules.
The finding of facts, says Sunderland, “is much better done by means of the special verdict. Every advantage, which the jury is popularly supposed to have over the court as a trier of facts, is retained, with the very great additional advantage that the analysis and separation of the facts in the case which the court and the attorney must necessarily effect in employing the special verdict, materially reduces the chance of error. It is easy to make mistakes in dealing at large with aggregates of facts. The special verdict compels detailed consideration. But above all it enables the public, the parties and the court to see what the jurf has really done. * * * The morale of the jury also is aided by throwing off the cloak of secrecy, for only through publicity is there developed the proper feeling of responsibility in public servants. So far, then, as the facts go, they can be much more effectively, conveniently and usefully tried [66] by abandoning the general verdict and substituting the special verdict. * * * The special verdict is devised for the express purpose of escaping the sham of false appearances.” 26
When using a special verdict, the judge need not — should not — give any charge about the substantive legal rules beyond what is reasonably necessary to enable the jury to answer intelligently the questions put to them.
True, the common-law type of special verdict, when utilized in this" country, frequently caused so many complications that it fell into disrepute 27 But in three states, North Carolina, Wisconsin and Texas, the special-verdict practice in civil cases wa.s so modified as to avoid most of those complications.
Accordingly, we cannot hold that a district judge errs when, as here, for any reason or no reason whatever, he refuses to demand a special verdict, although we deem such a verdict usually preferable to the opaque general verdict.
The fact verdict will furnish no panacea.31 Among other things, as previously noted, it will still be true that, in a rela[68] tively simple case, the jury will still be able to foresee what answers to the questions will produce a judgment for the side it favors. There is this, too, to consider: Some persons oppose the requirement that trial judges in non-jury cases shall file special findings of fact. 32 As such findings' closely resemble a jury’s special verdict,33 it is therefore pertinent here that some of those opponents suggest, in effect, that a trial judge’s decision is a unique composite reaction to the oral testimony, a composite which ought not — or, rather, cannot without artificiality — be broken down into findings of fact and legal conclusions.34 Back of this suggestion there lurks something like the notions of gestalt psychology:35 A judge’s reaction to the evidence at a trial is apparently considered a “whole” (a “gestalt” or “pattern”) which cannot adequately be analyzed. Separation of a decision into “law” and “fact” components, it seems to be asserted, will be “too logical,” in the sense that it excludes the “intuition of experience which outruns analysis and sums up many unnamed and tangled impressions, impressions which may lie beneath consciousness without losing their worth.” 36 Some sup[69] port for this position might be sought in recent writings to the effect that logic stems from language
Footnotes
See, also, Orfield, Criminal Procedure From Arrest to Appeal (1947) 361: “Perhaps the most important development in the administration of justice in England during the last half century has been the obsolescence of the petit jury through the enlargement of the powers of the courts of summary jurisdiction to hear and. determine indictable offenses. Howard, Criminal Justice in England (1931) 319. In England, in 1926, 69,695 defendants charged with indictable offenses were dealt with in courts of summary jurisdiction and only 7,924 were committed for jury trial at the higher courts. Howard, loe. cit., 407.”
Patón, Jurisprudence (1946) 459, says that “in 1935 only one-eighth of the indictable cases were tried by jury,” and that “in civil eases in the King’s Bench Division the proportion of jury cases is only slightly higher, while in the County Court it sank to 0.006 per cent.”
Civil Civil Total Criminal Criminal Court Jury Criminal Court Jury 1944 1945 1946 1947 Total Trials 9,951 8,390 7,756 7,471 Total Civil 5,025 4,358 4,586 5,042 2,702 2,845 3,153 3,408 2,323 1,513 1,433 1,634 4,926 4,032 3,170 2,429 1,819 1,391 1,139 988 3,107 2,641 2,031 1,441
These figures were supplied by the district court clerks, who reported as trials all contested proceedings, not including motions, before either a court or a jury in which evidence was introduced and final judgment sought. They do not include hearings based on agreed statement of facts, disposition of cases on motion such as for summary judgment, disposition on findings of masters or judgments entered as a result of pretrial conferences.”
The trial judge, of course, can grant a new trial in any civil case, and in a criminal case where the verdict is against the defendant. But he thus exercises merely a temporary veto, since another jury, with like power, again hears the case. Except in unusual circumstances, there is a limit to the number of now trials which may be granted. Louisville & Nashville R. Co. v. Woodson, 134 U.S. 614, 623, 10 S.Ct. 628, 33 L.Ed. 1032; Joyce v. Charleston Ice Manufacturing [58] Co., C.C., 50 F. 371, 375; Clark v. Barnoy Dumping Co., C.C., 109 F. 235; Milliken v. Ross, C.C., 9 F. 855; 46 C.J. 70, 71.
See Pound, Law In Books and Law In Action, 44 Am.L.Rev. (1910) 12, 18, 19: “Jury lawlessness is the great corrective law in its actual administration. The will of the state at large imposed on a reluctant community, the will of a majority imposed on a vigorous and determined minority, find the same obstacle in the local jury that formerly confronted kings and ministers. * * * What is the purpose and what the occasion of the extensions of the powers of juries to which I have referred? Practically the purpose is, in largest part, to keep the letter of the law the same- in the books, while allowing the jury free rein to apply different rules or extra-legal considerations in the actual decision of causes — to create new breaches and widen existing breaches between law in the books and law in action. The occasion is that popular thought and popular action are at variance with many of the doctrines and rules in the books, and that the law is trying to save the latter and accommodate itself to the former. * * * If the ritual of charging the jury on the law with academic exactness is preserved, the record will show that the ease was decided according to law, and the fact that the jury dealt with it according to extra-legal notions of conformity to the views of the community for the time being, is covered up.”
Mr. Justice Chalmers stated this position thus: “Again, there is an old saying that hard cases make bad law. So they do when there ' is no jury. The Judge is anxious to do justice to the particular parties before him. To meet [59] a particular hard case he is tempted to qualify or engraft an exception upon a sound general principle. When a judge once leaves the straight and narrow path of law, and wanders into the wide fields of substantial justice, he is soon irretrievably lost. * * * But hard cases tried with a jury do not make bad law, for they make no law at all, as far as the findings of the jury are concerned. The principle is kept intact while the jury do justice in the particular case by not applying it.” See Frank, Law and the Modern Mind (1930) 174: “By such use of the jury, you can eat your cake and have it too. You can preserve your rules and principles unswerving and unyielding —in the form of the judge’s instructions ■ — and you can have a jury’s decision (which determines the rights of the parties to the case) that is based upon scant respect for those abstractions as against emotional appeals. The rules and principles remain pure and unsullied — because, while clearly enunciated, they are not applied. * * * ‘It cannot be doubted,’ says Chamberlayne, ‘that a principal claim of the jury to popular favor is its traditional ability to defy, in a general verdict, the law of the land as announced by the judge.’ ” See Ohamberlayne, Evidence (1911) § 73; Thompson, Trials, 2d Ed., § 2133.
In support of this defense of the general verdict, an oft-cited illustration is the refusal of many juries to apply the harsh fellow-servant rule. But it is not unlikely that the judges themselves failed to abolish that judge-made rule precisely because jury verdicts made it seem unnecessary to do so. And, since some juries doubtless did apply that rule, the result was an unfair lack of uniformity in the decisions. Aside from its episodic and capricious character, such “law making” by juries seems an unnecessarily clumsy method of nullifying undesirable precedents. The same can be said of the argument that general verdicts provide desirable individualization of cases which some legal rules, were they applied, would prevent.
It is notable that, in cases where, for historical reasons, juries do not sit — as in equity and many admiralty suits — the judges have been less reluctant to contrive flexible rules and to revise undesirable precedents.
If any legal rules are too harsh or otherwise undesirable, and the judges are unwilling, or (where the rules are statutory) unable, to modify them, recourse should be had to the legislatures which today are less tardy in acting than once they were. It seems unwise to pretend to keep legal rules alive and leave their amendment or nullification to a series of legislatures, each consisting of twelve men or women, casually selected as jurors. It may be, moreover, that reliance on jury nullification of legal rules has retarded desirable remedial legislation by the elected legislatures.
More important, the theory that juries legislate undesirable substantive rules out of existence rests on the false assumption that the jurors, with full understanding of the rules announced in the judge’s charge, deliberately and consciously nullify them. In truth, the jurors often have no understanding of that part of the judge’s charge but (frequently on the basis of prejudice) simply bring in a general verdict for the party they favor. The jurors’ legislation is thus often blind and unintentional. See infra, footnote 25a.
In some states, however, such inquiries are permitted, sometimes pursuant to statute; see 2 Thompson, Trials (2d Ed.) § 2677. Where such inquiries are permitted, strange happenings are not seldom disclosed, such as, e. g., that the jury reached its verdict by drawing lots or other gambling method (a la Rabelias’ Bridlegoose). Cf. Goins v. State, 46 Ohio St. 457, 21 N.E. 476, 482 ; 2 Thompson, Trials, 2d Ed., §§ 2601, 2602.
Nevertheless, the trial judge has distinct advantages. So far as he is a juror, his experience with many trials gives him a training for his job: the distractions and interruptions do not confuse him as they are likely to confuse the ordinary juryman. And obviously, the trial judge is far better able to understand the legal rules and the method of applying them to the facts.
Moreover, the character of a trial is different when only a trial judge sits. Says Green, “If the jury is taken out of the courthouse, the drama is gone. The court-room is not the same place. There is no tenseness. The lawyers are not the same; they no longer glare at one another. Even the parties are docile. The judge returns to himself. The attendants drop back into their humdrum ways. The crowd is made up of a few parties at interest and the habitual loungers. The place is dead. There is no haranguing in choosing the arbiter, nothing more than a brief statement of the issues, and seldom that; the examination of the witnesses proceeds with calmness, barring the most exceptional case; objections to evidence are seldom made, and when made, if there is the slightest uncertainty, the judge hears the evidence and states that if it appears to be inadmissible he will ignore it in his findings. The argument on the issues is brief and pointed. There are no instructions to prepare, no verdict, no motion for a new trial except in the rarest instance. The judge either announces his conclusion, or else takes it under advisement for further study and later announcement. He may then file the findings which support his decision. The whole process is deflated until there is little left to do save get down to business. The trial of the [64] same case before a judge and before the same judge witb a jury, with the same lawyers, reflects the most startling differences. * * * ’* Green, Judge and Jury, 403, 404.
There are at least three theories of how the general-verdict-jury-system works: (1) According to a naive theory, the judge conclusively determines the pertinent substantive legal rules, and the jury confines itself to finding the facts. (2) A more sophisticated theory runs thus: The judge has one function and the jury two. The judge announces authoritatively the pertinent rules of law. The jury (a) ascertain the facts and (b) apply to these facts the rules of law laid down by the judge and (c) thus arrive at their general verdict. The judge, that is, supplies the major premise, consisting of the abstract rules of law; the jury determine the minor premise from the evidence, and then work out the syllogism to its logical condusion in the verdict which they report to the judge. Some of those who accept this theory assert that juries often circumvent the legal rules by misfinding the facts; the facts, it is said, are “found in order to reach the result.” [See, e. g., Pound, Introduction to the Philosophy of Law (1921) 133; cf. 121.] That thesis assumes that the jurors, understanding what the judge told them about the substantive legal rules, proceed with consummate skill and cunning to devise the exact finding of facts which, when correlated with those rules, will logically compel the judgment the jurors desire. (3) A more realistic theory maintains that jurors often do not understand the judge’s instructions and simply bring in an unexplained verdict for the party they favor. See Frank, Law and The Modern Mind (1930) Part One, Chapter 16, and Appendix Y.
These reversals appear to be at war with the thesis (see note 13 supra) that the great virtue of the jury system consists of the jury’s power to disregard or nullify the substantive legal rules. Perhaps, ‘however, a defender of that thesis believes that a jury ought to know the substantive rules before it nullifies them.
Since lawyers use the trial judge’s instructions about the substantive rules (instructions often unintelligible to the jurors) as traps for the judge, it is manifest that the substantive rules in general-verdict jury cases often are in large part but procedural devices. See Prank, A Plea Por Lawyer-Schools, 56 Tale L.J. (1947) 1303, 1317,
It is a curious fact that many courts which refuse to reverse for (1) so-called “procedural” errors they call “harmless” nevertheless will be prompt to reverse for (2) errors in the charge to the jury about the substantive rules — although the first kind of errors (such as, e.g., improper remarks of one of the lawyers) are often matters well within. the comprehension of the jurors and may have influenced their verdict, while the second kind. frequently are putside the jurors’ comprehension and therefore could not have affected their judgment.
Defendant’s counsel misreads New York Central & H. R. R. Co. v. Banker, 2 Cir., 224 F. 351, which expressed a preference for special verdicts in cases under the Employers’ Liability Act, 45 U. S.C.A. § 51 et seq., but did not reverse for failure to require such a verdict.
This coordination plainly has peculiar difficulties for men untrained in that art, men placed, as jurymen are, in unaccustomed conditions — in the jury-box and and jury-room — by no means conducive to calm deliberation. Twelve judges would not find it easy to reach a satisfactory joint conclusion were they treated as we treat jurors.
Recognizing the difficulties, Judge Knox said that, “to accomplish justice,” we must have jurors “with intelligence, sound judgment, and courage that will enable them to decide intricate questions of fact * * * ” See testimony, June 12 and 13, 1945, before House Committee on the Judiciary (on H.R. 3379, 3380 and 3381) 9, 12. Judge Otis insisted that the task calls for jurors who have the “capacity quickly to comprehend the applicable law and intelligently to apply it.” See Otis, Selecting Federal Court Jurors. Both those judges suggested that jurymen with such capacities will be procured by providing higher standards for jury service and in “hand-picking” those eligible for that service.
One may well be skeptical of the efficacy of such a remedy. Nor will it do the trick to distribute brief handbooks for jurors or to have the judge briefly lecture the panel about jurors’ functions. The system adopted in the Superior Court of Los Angeles County, California, is more promising. There prospective jurors receive a written test; they must pass this test and also show their aptitudes in oral interviews. But, even that device would seem insufficient. A more thoughtful proposal is that we establish detailed courses in “schools for jurors.” See Judge Galston, Civil Jury Trials and Tribulations, 29 Am.Bar Ass’n, J. (1943) 195.
Nor can juries come near ascertaining the actual facts of cases as long as we retain the numerous exclusionary evidence rules. Judge Learned Hand (loe. cit.) after stating that he was “not enamored of jury trials, at least in civil cases,” went on to say, “but it is entirely inconsistent to trust them as reverently as we do, and still surround them with restrictions which, if they have no rational validity whatever, depend upon distrust.” Says Boston: “But our law * * * requires that all matters for consideration of the jury shall be, as it were a sort of predigested food for mental invalids; and so it strains this food * * * through the most highly developed rules of evidence, which have been evolved by reflections of party trained metaphysicians on the operations of the human mind * * * In short, we recognize in every imaginable way that the jury is the weakest element in our judici&l system, and yet we ponder to it as a sacred institution. We treat a jury as a sacred institution, and we regard it, in all ways in which our regard can be [68] measured, as wholly incompetent for the purpose for which we establish if.” Boston, Some Practical Remedies For Existing Defects In The Administration of Justice, 61 Un. of Penn.L.Rev.. (1912) 1.
The essential idea is ancient, traceable at least as far back as Aristotle; cf. Aristotle, On the Parts of Animals, I, 641a, 1417; see McKeon, Aristotle’s Conception of the Development and the Nature of Scientific Method, 8 J. of History of Ideas (1947) 3, 14.
Akin to the gestalt thesis are the theses of the “functional anthropologists”; of those who study human behavior in terms of the “total situation”; of the “institutional” economists; and of those who advocate “the functional approach” to the judicial process. See, e. g., Benedict, Patterns of Culture (Penguin ed., 1946); Rice, Methods in Social Science (1931) 55, 549, 553-554; Ogden, Structural Psychology and the Psychology of Gestalt, in the same volume, 109, 113-117; Lynd, Knowledge For What? (1945) Ch. VIII; Gambs, Beyond Supply and Demand (1946) 25, 74-75, 81; Cohen, Transcendental Nonsense and The Functional Approach, 35 Col.L.Rev. (1935) 809.
With reference to gestalts in trial courts and administrative agencies, see Timberg, Administrative Findings of Fact, 27 Wash.Univ.L.Q. (1941) 62, 65; dissenting opinion in Old Colony Bondholders, v. New York, N. H. & H. R. Co., 2 Cir., 161 F.2d 413, 431, 449; In re Fried, 2 Cir., 161 F.2d 453, 463 note 28; Malone, The Formative Era of Contributory Negligence, 41 Ill.L.Rev. (1946) 151, 170,179; Frank, Words and Music: Some Remarks on Statutory Interpretation, 47 Col.L.Rev. (1947) 1259, 1277 and note 76; Frank, A Plea for Lawyer-Schools, 56 Yale L.J. (1947) 1304, note 8.
For discussion of the difficulty of nicely separating “law” and “facts,” and as to interactions between them, see Wurzel, Methods of Juridical Thinking (1904) in The Science of Legal Method (1917) 390, 396; Orfield, Criminal Appeals in America (1939) 85; Paul, Dobson v. Commissioner: The Strange Ways of Law and Faet, 57 Harv.L.Rev. (1944) 753; Isaacs, The Law and the Facts, 22 Col.L.Rev. (1922) 1, 11; Fox, Law and Fact, 12 Harv.L.Rev. (1899) 545; Thayer, A Preliminary Treatise on The Law of Evidence (1898) 183ff, 249ff; Green, Judge and Jury (1930) 270; Dickinson, Ad minis[69] trative Justice and The Supremacy of Law (1927) 52-55, 168-170, 203, 313-319; Morris, Law and Fact, 55 Harv.L.Rev. (1942) 1303; Cook, ‘Facts' and ‘Statements of Fact,’ 4 Univ. of Chi.L.Rev. (1937) 233; Green, Mixed Questions of Law and Fact, 15 Harv.L.Rev. (1901) 271; Clark and Stone, Review of Findings of Fact, 4 Univ. of Chi.L.Rev. (1937) 190, 211 note 93. Compare Pound, Appellate Procedure in Civil Cases (1941) 28 with Pound, Justice According to Law, 14 Col.L.Rev. (1914) 103, 104.
“It is not a thoroughly sound objection to such articulations [i. e., analyses in terms of facts and legal conclusions] that, in so far as they attempt to analyze ‘wholes,’ they are ‘rationalizations.’ For almost all logical analyses are, in that sense, ‘rationalizations.’ Logic serves, among other things, to test the validity of conclusions reached by non-logical processes.” Old Colony Bondholders v. New York, N. H. & H. R. Co., 2 Cir., 161 F.2d 413, 450 note 82 (dissenting opinion). See also In re Fried, 2 Cir., 161 F.2d 453, note 28.
Scientists, too, rely on intuition (“hunches”) which they then articulate as premises from which they reason logically (i. e., mathematically). As to the “hunch” element in all sorts of thinking, including that of scientists and mathematicians, see, e. g., Wallas, The Art of Thought (1925) 80ff; Wallas, The Great Society (1914) 180-182; Poincare, Science and Method (1914) 75; Lenba, Psychology of Religious Mysticism (1925) 240ff; Lewis, The Anatomy of Science (1925) 90ff; Frank, Law and The Modern Mind (1930) 169; Bell, Men of Mathematics (1937) 547— 552; Montmassari, Invention and Discovery (1942); Benjamin, Introduction to the Philosophy of Science (1937) 176ff; Porterfield, Creative Factors in Scientific Research (1941) 97ff; Cairns, Theory of Legal Science (1941) 57-60; Cannon, The Way of An Investigator (1945) Chapter Y.
However, it wifi not do to push too far the analogy between scientific thinking and the decisional process of a trial judge in reacting to conflicting oral testimony. For the trial judge’s reactions to witnesses unavoidably involve a large emotional element. With respect to those reactions, the following may be pertinent: Langer, loe. cit., 18, 19: The “basic concepts of physical science * * * have delivered all physical nature into our hands. But strangely enough, the so-called ‘mental sciences’ have gained very little from the great adventure. One attempt after another has failed to apply the concept of causality to logic and aesthetics, or even sociology and psychology. Causes and effects could be found, of course, and could be correlated, tabulated and studied; but even in psychology, where the study of stimulus and reaction has been carried to elaborate lengths, no true science has resulted. No prospects of really great achievement have opened before us in the laboratory. If we follow the methods of natural science our psychology tends to run into physiology, histology, and genetics; we move further and further away from those problems which we ought to be approaching. That signifies that the generative idea which gave rise to physics and chemistry and all their progeny — technology, medicine, biology-does not contain any vivifying concept for the humanistic sciences. The physicist’s scheme, so faithfully emulated by generations of psychologists, epistemologists, and aesthetieians is probably blocking their progress, defeating possible insights by its prejudicial force. The scheme is not false — it is perfectly reasonable — but it is bootless for the study of mental phenomena.”
Pascal, Pensees (1670); “Those who are accustomed to judge by feeling do not understand the process of reasoning, for they would understand at first sight, [70] and are not used to seek for principles. And others, on the contrary, who are accustomed to reason from principles, do not at all understand matters of feeling, seeking principles, and being unable to see at a glance * * * For it is to judgment that perception belongs, as science belongs to intellect. Intuition is the part of judgment, mathematics of intellect * * * Two extremes: to exclude reason, to admit reason only * * * Tlie heart has its reasons, which reason does not know * * * We know truth, not only by the reason, but also by.the heart * * * And reason must trust these intuitions of the heart * * * The heart has its own order; the intellect has its own, which is by principle and demonstration. The heart has another * * * The internal war of reason against the passions has made a division of those who would have peace into two sects. The first would renounce their passions and become gods; the others would renounce reason, and become brute beasts * * * Man is neither angel nor brute, and the unfortunate thing is that he who would act the angel acts the brute.”
Frank, Fate and Freedom (1945) 324: “We may ask whether” any one “can write a scientific description of, or reduce to a mathematical equation, the kiss of his beloved, the taste of cool water, the cry of his sick child, the tang of a brisk autumn day, the torture of physical pain, the anguish at the death of a dear friend.”
Fact-verdicts by advisory juries may be of considerable value in certain kinds of cases. See Arnstein v. Porter, 2 Cir., 154 F.2d 464, 473.
167 F.2d 54 (Skidmore v. Baltimore & OR Co.) — published by Counsel Stack Legal Research, free access to 12M+ legal documents.