United States v. Phillips, Jarrode E.

239 F.3d 829
CourtCourt of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit
DecidedFebruary 1, 2001
Docket99-3052, 99-3677, 99-3937 & 00-1045
StatusPublished
Cited by1 cases

This text of 239 F.3d 829 (United States v. Phillips, Jarrode E.) is published on Counsel Stack Legal Research, covering Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit primary law. Counsel Stack provides free access to over 12 million legal documents including statutes, case law, regulations, and constitutions.

Bluebook
United States v. Phillips, Jarrode E., 239 F.3d 829 (7th Cir. 2001).

Opinion

HARLINGTON WOOD, JR., Circuit Judge.

Following jury trials, defendants-appellants were convicted on numerous counts relating to their involvement with the Dawg Life street gang in South Bend, Indiana, and now appeal.

I. BACKGROUND

On April 19, 1999, after a three-week trial, a jury found three of the defendants guilty as follows: Phillips of maintaining a place for the purpose of manufacturing, distributing, or using a controlled substance, relating to the crack house at 303 LaPorte Street and the crack house at 1115 East Indiana Street, and possessing firearms as a felon; Stork of committing a violent crime in aid of racketeering in violation of the Racketeering Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Act (“RICO”), 18 U.S.C. §§ 1961-68, and use of a firearm during a crime of violence; and Taylor of committing a violent crime in aid of racketeering activity in violation of RICO, using a firearm in relation to a violent crime, and helping to maintain a crack house at 1115 East Indiana Street. On October 13,1999, after a separate two-day jury trial, Waf-ford was convicted of committing a violent crime in aid of racketeering in violation of RICO, possessing a firearm after having been convicted of a felony, and using a firearm during a crime of violence.

Because both trials contained much of the same testimony and evidence, the background information from the two trials is presented together. As several of the issues concern the sufficiency of the evidence, the facts are set forth in detail.

Testimony showed that Dawg Life began in the early 1990s as the Southeast Side Dogs street gang, operating in specif *834 ic territory on the southeast side of South Bend, Indiana. The gang was involved in the sale of illegal drugs, particularly cocaine, both on the street and from certain gang-operated crack houses. The price paid to acquire cocaine depended on the amount the member could sell as well as his rank in the gang. The more cocaine a member sold, the lower the price he paid. Certain crack houses were controlled by Dawg Life, with only members allowed to sell drugs from the house.

The lowest-ranking members of Dawg Life were referred to as “Little Loes,” with “G. Loes” (“Gangsta Loc”) being the next ascending rank. The highest-ranking members were known as “O.G.s” (“Original Gangsta”). There were identifying handshakes for each rank within the gang. The higher-ranking members received more privileges. Lower-ranking members went to higher-ranking members for drugs in order to make money. One of the Little Loes testified that Wafford, an O.G., had suggested the Little Loes pool their money, which they then gave to Wafford until they had a greater amount to purchase cocaine based on the fact that the price was incrementally less when purchased in greater quantities.

Like other gangs, Dawg Life used hand sign's to identify themselves as members and to differentiate themselves not only from other gangs but from friendly subgroups which developed within the gang. Two subgroups within Dawg Life were the Dawgy Style Mafia (“D.S.M.”) and the Rush (“Ruthless Unstoppable Street Hustlers”) Street Gangstas (“R.S.G.”). Phillips and Stork were G. Loes in the R.S.G. Taylor was a G. Loc in the D.S.M. Wafford was an O.G. in the D.S.M. Members also identified themselves by wearing the Dawg Life colors of brown and black (the colors of a Rottweiler or Doberman pinscher).

Dawg Life members advanced in rank by committing acts of violence, which increased the member’s reputation within the gang and correspondingly increased the gang’s reputation within the community. Members would “put in work” in order to advance. One member testified that “putting in work” meant “shooting, robbing, whatever,” and that he was encouraged to shoot a rival gang member because it “might get you a higher rank.” One member’s brother moved up a rank when he shot someone. Another member stated that an act of violence like a shooting “increases the [member’s] position in the gang and they recognize and respect him more.” Members could be voted out of the gang if they were not deemed sufficiently violent. One of the witnesses testified he had been voted out of Dawg Life because he “wasn’t ready for the funk,” defining funk to mean, “like a war or something.”

Retaliation also gained a member respect and advancement. Members of Dawg Life lived by the saying “Retaliation is a Must.” The gang produced and distributed CDs and tapes to members only, which contained a song entitled “Retaliation is a Must.”

Dawg Life also used hand signs to show disrespect to rival gangs or any non-gang persons. One of the threatening signs flashed was O.B.K., meaning “Off Brand Killer.” Anyone not from the southeast side was labeled “off brand,” and Dawg Life members flashed the sign to warn anyone “off brand” of what the gang might do to them. One witness testified that he was walking with about five friends when two black males approached them and threw the O.B.K. sign, which, the witness said, was like a warning “right before an enemy about to attack.” When one of the black males pulled a handgun and began firing, the witness was shot in the ankle. The same witness was also physically assaulted on another occasion by males who identified themselves as members of Dawg Life.

The gang also used personalized graffiti on rival gangs’ territory to show disrespect, such as O.B.K. and “Dawg Life 4 Life.” 1 It was not uncommon for Dawg *835 Life and rival gangs to exchange gunfire. Dawg Life members responded violently when rivals spoke badly of them or showed disrespect. Members would either beat up or shoot rivals. Dawg Life members would also assault any non-member who attempted to sell crack from one of their houses.

All members of Dawg Life attended “meeting[s] with a purpose” (clarified as “not just a party”). Discussions at these meetings included obtaining money to purchase cocaine, what would be done to anyone selling cocaine who was not a Dawg Life member, driving out rival drug dealers who were selling in their southeast territory, and the use of particular weapons in shootings.

Stork Shooting of Charlotte Flemming

On August 29, 1997, at approximately 11:30 a.m., a mail carrier was near a home at 1143 Huey Street, which is located on the north side of South Bend within the territory of the Huey Street Posse, one of Dawg Life’s rivals. A police officer testified that 1143 Huey was the residence of Leroy and Charles Humbles, members of the Vice Lords/Huey Street Posse gang.

The mailman saw a stranger in the front yard of the home fire several shots in a north-northeasterly direction. Almost immediately after, he saw a car coming from the north corner slow to a near stop in front of 1143 Huey. He then heard two shots being fired and saw the car speed away. One witness stated that he believed the shots were fired from the passenger side of the car. The mailman provided police with a detailed description of the car and a partial license plate number. Moments before the shooting, a high school student in the area saw someone in the car flash the O.B.K. sign. This student had previously been shot by a Dawg Life member who first flashed the O.B.K. sign at him.

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Related

United States v. Jarrode E. Phillips
239 F.3d 829 (Seventh Circuit, 2001)

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Bluebook (online)
239 F.3d 829, Counsel Stack Legal Research, https://law.counselstack.com/opinion/united-states-v-phillips-jarrode-e-ca7-2001.