United States v. Nesbeth

188 F. Supp. 3d 179, 2016 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 68731, 2016 WL 3022073
CourtDistrict Court, E.D. New York
DecidedMay 24, 2016
Docket15-CR-18 (FB)
StatusPublished
Cited by4 cases

This text of 188 F. Supp. 3d 179 (United States v. Nesbeth) is published on Counsel Stack Legal Research, covering District Court, E.D. New York primary law. Counsel Stack provides free access to over 12 million legal documents including statutes, case law, regulations, and constitutions.

Bluebook
United States v. Nesbeth, 188 F. Supp. 3d 179, 2016 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 68731, 2016 WL 3022073 (E.D.N.Y. 2016).

Opinion

OPINION

BLOCK, Senior District Judge:

Chevelle Nesbeth was convicted by a jury of importation of cocaine and possession of cocaine with intent to distribute. Her advisory guidelines sentencing range was 33-41 months. Nonetheless, I rendered a non-incarceratory sentence today in part because of a number of statutory and regulatory collateral consequences she will face as a convicted felon. I have incorporated those consequences in the balancing of the 18 U.S.C. § 3553(a) factors in imposing a one-year probationary sentence.

I am writing this opinion because from my research and experience over two decades as a district judge, sufficient attention has not been paid at sentencing by me and lawyers—both prosecutors and defense counsel—as well as by the Probation Department in rendering its pre-sentence reports, to the collateral consequences facing a convicted defendant.1 And I believe that judges should consider such consequences in rendering a lawful sentence.

There is a broad range of collateral consequences that serve no useful function other than to further punish criminal defendants after they have completed their court-imposed sentences. Many—under both federal and state law—attach automatically upon a defendant’s conviction.

The effects of these collateral consequences can be devastating. As Professor Michelle Alexander has explained, “[m]yri-ad laws, rules, and regulations operate to discriminate against ex-offenders and effectively prevent their reintegration into the mainstream society and economy. These restrictions amount to a form of ‘civi|T| death’ and send the unequivocal message that ‘the^ are no longer part of ‘us.’”2

Preparatory to sentencing Ms. Nesbeth, I afforded counsel the opportunity to opine as to whether collateral consequences should indeed be part of the § 3553(a) mix, and requested written submissions. The Government was essentially noncommittal. Not surprisingly, the Office of the Federal Defender—which represented Ms. Nes-beth—gave a positive response. Commendably, both parties’ submissions detailed the collateral consequences she faces.

Because of the significance which I attach to the need of the criminal justice system to embrace collateral consequences as a sentencing issue, I write extensively, addressing in turn: (I) The History of Collateral Consequences; (II) The Depth and Breadth of Post-Conviction Statutory and Regulatory Collateral Consequences; (III) The Governing Caselaw; (IV) Ms. Nes-beth’s Collateral Consequences and the Balancing of all § 3553(a) Factors; (V) The Shaping of the Sentence; and (VI) The Responsibilities of Counsel and the Probation Department.

I. The History of Collateral Consequences

A. From Past to Present

The notion of “civil death”—or “the loss of rights ... by a person who has been [181]*181outlawed or convicted of a serious crime”3 —appeared in American penal systems in the colonial era, derived from the heritage of English common law.4 As explained by the New York Court of Appeals in 1888, a convicted felon in old England was.

placed in a state of attainder. There were three principal incidents consequent upon an attainder for treason or felony, forfeiture, corruption of blood, and an extinction of civil rights, more or less complete, which was denominated civil death. Forfeiture was a part of the punishment of the crime ... by which the goods and chattels, lands and tenements of the attainted felon were forfeited to the king .... The blood of the attainted person was deemed to be corrupt, so that neither' could he transmit his estate to his heirs, nor could they take by descent from the ancestor .... The incident of civil death attended every attainder of treason or felony, whereby, in the language of Lord Coke, the attainted person “is disabled to bring any action, for he is extra legem positus, and is accounted in law eiviliter mortuus,” or, as stated by Chitty, “he is disqualified from being a witness, can bring no action, nor perform any legal function; he is in short regarded as dead in law.”5

In the United States, civil death has never been imposed by common law; it has always been a creature of statute.6

The concept of civil death persisted into the twentieth century as an “integral part of criminal punishment.”7 Some commentators express that the continuation of civil death, “[ejven watered down and euphemistically denominated ‘civil disabilities,’ ... functioned after the Civil War to perpetuate the social exclusion and political disenfranchisement of African-Americans.”8 These compelling critiques are not limited to traditional civil death and persist with great force to the modern imposition of collateral consequences to convicted felons.

The mid- to late-twentieth century saw the rise and fall of efforts at reforming the harshness of collateral consequences.. In 1950, Congress passed the Federal Youth Corrections Act,9 which was designed to “give youthful criminals ‘an incentive to reform’ by ‘removing the infamy of [their] social standing.’”10 Specifically, the Act made federal offenders between the ages of eighteen and twenty-six eligible “to have their convictions ‘set aside’ if the court [182]*182released them early from probation.”11 The Model Penal Code disseminated by the •American Law Institute in 1962. adopted a section under which a “sentencing court would be empowered, after an offender had fully satisfied the sentence, to enter an order relieving ‘any disqualification or disability imposed by law because of the conviction.’ ”12 In the years following, several states enacted measures “to dismantle the statutory apparatus of ‘civil death.’ ”13

This reform movement reached its peak in 1984, when the House Committee on the Judiciary reported “a sentencing reform bill that contained a chapter titled ‘Restriction on Imposition of Civil Disabilities,’” which “prohibited unreasonable restrictions on eligibility for federal benefits and programs, and state or federal employment, based on a federal conviction.”14 But that bill was never passed, and the movement fell from the peak over a cliff. In lieu of the bill reported out of the House committee, • Congress passed the Sentencing Reform Act of 1984, which “emphasized deterrence and incapacitation,” and repealed the Youth Corrections Act.15

Today, the collateral consequences of a felony conviction form a new civil death.16 Convicted felons now suffer restrictions in broad ranging aspects of life that touch upon economic, political, and social rights.17 In some ways, “modern civil death is harsher and more severe” than traditional civil death because there are now more public benefits to lose, and more professions in which a license or permit or ability to obtain a government contract is a necessity.18 Professor Alexander paints a chilling image of the modern civil death:

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Cite This Page — Counsel Stack

Bluebook (online)
188 F. Supp. 3d 179, 2016 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 68731, 2016 WL 3022073, Counsel Stack Legal Research, https://law.counselstack.com/opinion/united-states-v-nesbeth-nyed-2016.