United States Institute of Peace v. Jackson

CourtDistrict Court, District of Columbia
DecidedMay 19, 2025
DocketCivil Action No. 2025-0804
StatusPublished

This text of United States Institute of Peace v. Jackson (United States Institute of Peace v. Jackson) is published on Counsel Stack Legal Research, covering District Court, District of Columbia primary law. Counsel Stack provides free access to over 12 million legal documents including statutes, case law, regulations, and constitutions.

Bluebook
United States Institute of Peace v. Jackson, (D.D.C. 2025).

Opinion

UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT FOR THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA

UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE, et al.,

Plaintiffs, Civil Action No. 25-cv-804 (BAH)

v. Judge Beryl A. Howell

KENNETH JACKSON, in his official capacity, et al.,

Defendants.

MEMORANDUM OPINION

The U.S. Institute of Peace (“USIP” or “the Institute”) was created by Congress 40 years

ago in a statute signed by President Ronald Reagan. By design, USIP was established by the two

political branches to advance a safer, more peaceful world with the specific tasks of conducting

research, providing training on peacemaking techniques, and promoting peaceful conflict

resolution abroad—without formally involving the U.S. government in foreign disputes. To

ensure the independence of the Institute, Congress stated this intent explicitly in the organic

statute, which declares USIP’s status as an “independent nonprofit corporation,” 22 U.S.C.

§ 4603(b), and imposed certain prerequisites for the exercise of presidential power to remove

USIP’s board members, id. § 4605(f). Since then, Congress has endorsed USIP’s important

work by continuing to fund the Institute through appropriations bills signed by seven different

Presidents from both major political parties, including the current President during his first term

in office.

In a drastic and abrupt change of course, within the first month of his second term,

President Trump unilaterally decided that USIP is “unnecessary,” issuing Executive Order 14217

(“EO 14217”) § 1, 90 Fed. Reg. 10577, 10577 (Feb. 19, 2025), to this effect, and then his 1 Administration rushed through actions, including removal of Board members, to reach the

professed goal of reducing all of USIP’s operations and personnel to the bare minimum to

perform only mandated statutory tasks, while ignoring the broader statutory goals set out for this

organization to fulfill. These unilateral actions were taken without asking Congress to cease or

reprogram appropriations or by recommending that Congress enact a new law to dissolve or

reduce the Institute or transfer its tasks to another entity, despite the President’s constitutional

duties either to “take care” of “faithfully execut[ing]” the laws, U.S. CONST. art. II, § 3, cl. 4, or

to “recommend to [Congress’s] Consideration such Measures as he shall judge necessary and

expedient,” id., cl. 1.

Instead, the current Administration decided to effectuate the President’s Executive Order

14217 through blunt force, backed up by law enforcement officers from three separate local and

federal agencies. The Administration removed the Institute’s leadership, including plaintiff

Board members and its president in contravention of statutory limitations, and had personnel

from a newly created federal office, called the Department of Government Efficiency (“DOGE”),

forcibly take over the Institute’s headquarters on March 17, 2025. With a newly installed USIP

president, the Administration then handed off USIP’s property for no consideration and abruptly

terminated nearly all of its staff and activities around the world. See Hearing on Cross-Mots. for

Summ. J. Tr. (“XMSJ Hr’g”). at 13:4-15:6 (5/14/25), ECF No. 38 (plaintiffs’ counsel

representing that only four employees are left at USIP’s headquarters and only “a handful”

overseas, and that “zero” programmatic activities are occurring at USIP); id. at 59:14-60:17

(defendants’ counsel representing that only five employees are left and that “the Institute is

currently in the operational posture of being at or reducing to its statutory minimum”).

2 The question before this Court is whether these unilateral actions by the President and his

Administration are legal under duly enacted statutes and the U.S. Constitution. Since the outset

of this lawsuit challenging the President’s removal of all but the ex officio members of the

Institute’s Board—after which all other challenged actions were effectuated—the parties have

taken opposite views of the legality of these actions based on their divergent characterizations of

the Institute’s relationship to the U.S. government: plaintiffs assert that USIP is a

“congressionally established” yet “free-standing nonprofit,” Pls.’ Mem. in Supp. of Mot. for

Summ. J. (“Pls.’ Mem.”) at 1, ECF No. 22, not part of the federal government at all, XMSJ Tr.

Hr’g at 8:6-8, while defendants assert that USIP is an “Executive Branch component of the

Nation’s federal government exercising executive power through executive functions,” Defs.’

Cross. Mot. for Summ. J., Mem. in Supp. & Opp’n to Pls.’ MSJ (“Defs.’ Opp’n”) at 1, ECF No.

32. No court before has addressed this novel question of where precisely the Institute falls

within our constitutional structure, though the answer to this question has implications for the

legality under the U.S. Constitution of the President’s exercise of removal power in a manner

that violates the applicable statute.

The Institute is unique in its structure and function—neither a traditional Executive

branch agency nor an entirely private nonprofit corporation. A close evaluation of USIP’s

organic statute and its practical operations indicates that the arguments ably presented on both

sides have some merit, but both end up taking leaps to reach conclusions that are unsupported by

the factual record and current jurisprudence. This Court concludes that, despite exhibiting

qualities of nongovernmental organizations (“NGOs”), USIP has strong governmental ties and

must be considered a part of the federal government, at least for purposes of resolving the

constitutional separation-of-powers questions posed here. At the same time, USIP does not

3 exercise governmental, let alone executive, power under the Constitution and is not part of the

Executive branch. Instead, USIP supports both the Executive and Legislative branches as an

independent think tank that carries out its own international peace research, education and

training, and information services.

As an independent entity exercising inconsequential government power and de minimis,

if any, executive power, Congress’s ability to restrict the President’s removal power is even

greater than that outlined in Humphrey’s Executor v. United States, 295 U.S. 602 (1935), Seila

Law v. Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, 591 U.S. 197 (2020), and the Supreme Court’s

other seminal presidential removal power cases. Applying those cases, Congress’s restrictions

on the President’s removal power of USIP Board members are squarely constitutional, and the

President and his Administration’s acts to the contrary are unlawful and ultra vires. The actions

that have occurred since then—at the direction of the President to reduce USIP to its “statutory

minimums”—including the removal of USIP’s president, his replacement by officials affiliated

with DOGE, the termination of nearly all of USIP’s staff, and the transfer of USIP property to

the General Services Administration (“GSA”), were thus effectuated by illegitimately-installed

leaders who lacked legal authority to take these actions, which must therefore be declared null

and void.

* * *

To aid in review of this Memorandum Opinion, given its length required to address the

novel constitutional and other issues raised in the parties’ pending dispositive motions, an

overview is provided.

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