Pichler v. UNITE

228 F.R.D. 230, 177 L.R.R.M. (BNA) 2482, 2005 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 10334, 2005 WL 1283659
CourtDistrict Court, E.D. Pennsylvania
DecidedMay 31, 2005
DocketCiv.A. No. 04-2841
StatusPublished
Cited by21 cases

This text of 228 F.R.D. 230 (Pichler v. UNITE) is published on Counsel Stack Legal Research, covering District Court, E.D. Pennsylvania primary law. Counsel Stack provides free access to over 12 million legal documents including statutes, case law, regulations, and constitutions.

Bluebook
Pichler v. UNITE, 228 F.R.D. 230, 177 L.R.R.M. (BNA) 2482, 2005 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 10334, 2005 WL 1283659 (E.D. Pa. 2005).

Opinion

MEMORANDUM

DALZELL, District Judge.

In 2003 and 2004, two labor unions allegedly obtained scores of license plate numbers from cars in the parking lots of a company whose employees they were attempting to organize. Claiming that the unions violated their federally protected privacy rights when they used the license plate numbers to get their names and addresses, the named plaintiffs filed this lawsuit, and their motion for class certification is now before us.

Factual Background

A. The Cintas Campaign

Cintas Corporation designs and manufactures corporate uniforms and provides entrance mats, restroom supplies, promotional products, and first aid and safety products for more than 500,000 businesses. Throughout the United States and Canada, Cintas operates 351 facilities that employ more than 28,000 people. See http://www.cintas.com/company/corporate_profile/default.asp (last visited May 29, 2005) (on file with the undersigned); see also Hart Dep. at 7-8.

Since the fall of 2002, the Union of Needle-trades, Industrial & Textile Employees AFL-CIO (“UNITE”)1 has been engaged in a campaign to educate Cintas employees about how to protect their rights under federal and state law (the “Cintas campaign”). In particular, UNITE was concerned with what it characterizes as Cintas’s low wages, [235]*235poor benefits, unsafe working conditions, discriminatory practices, and violations of the Fair Labor Standards Act (“FLSA”),2 Family Medical Leave Act (“FMLA”),3 and workers’ compensation laws. DeMay Dep. at 39-40; see also Mestrich Dep. at 132-36. The UNITE organizers believe that employees can best protect their rights by joining a union, DeMay Dep. at 33; Mestrich Dep. at 138-39, and they hoped to unionize 17,000 of Cintas’s American employees, Raynor Dep. at 126; Mestrich Dep. at 42-43. Because organizers believed that Cintas’s practices were holding down labor standards throughout the laundry industry (one of UNITE’s key industries), it was critically important to them that the Cintas campaign succeed. Raynor Dep. at 49-50, 52.

Throughout the campaign, Bruce Raynor has served as UNITE’s president. Raynor Dep. at 13. Keith Mestrich has been UNITE’s director of strategic affairs since December of 2002, and in that capacity Mestrich has managed many of UNITE’s organizing campaigns, including the Cintas campaign. Mestrich Dep. at 9-14; Raynor Dep. at 38. While Raynor and Mestrich focused on union-wide issues, of which the Cintas campaign was one of many, the ground organizing director had primary responsibility for coordinating local efforts on the national Cintas campaign. Jen Roitman was UNITE’s ground organizing director on the Cintas campaign from its inception until Liz Gres replaced her in late 2003 or early 2004. DeMay Dep. at 33-34; Mestrich Dep. at 24, 194-196; Raynor Dep. at 70, 139, 189.

The Cintas campaign focused on seven metropolitan areas: New York City, Philadelphia, Detroit, Chicago, Las Vegas, Northern California, and Toronto. Mestrich Dep. at 38; see also Qadeer Aff. ¶ 7. In each of these metropolitan areas, a site coordinator directed UNITE’s day-to-date organizing activities. For example, Megan Chambers was the New York site coordinator, Mike Seimone coordinated UNITE’s efforts in and around Philadelphia, and Peter DeMay oversaw the Cintas campaign in Chicago. See Raynor Dep. at 144-45; DeMay Dep. at 33-35.

By the spring of 2003, UNITE had invested more than one million dollars in the Cintas campaign. Raynor Dep. at 131. UNITE spent some of those funds supporting Veliz v. Cintas Corp., No. 03-1140 (N.D.Cal.). Raynor Dep. at 73-74; Mestrich Dep. at 175. Filed on March 19, 2003, Veliz was a class action lawsuit alleging that Cintas violated the FLSA by not paying its drivers overtime. Qadeer Aff. ¶ 18; see also Raynor Dep. at 84, 87.4 Around the same time, Cintas hired Burson Marsteller, a public relations firm, to combat the negative publicity that it was receiving from UNITE’s organizing campaign. See Gates Dep. at 4, 8,12.

B. Teamsters Join Campaign

When UNITE organizers contacted Cintas employees, many drivers expressed a preference to speak with the International Brotherhood of Teamsters AFL-CIO (the “Teamsters”). Mestrich Dep. at 18-19. Although UNITE already represented production workers at some Cintas facilities and would have been willing to organize all of Cintas’s workers, including the drivers, the UNITE organizers recognized that the Teamsters already represented some Cintas drivers. Mestrich Dep. at 189-90; Raynor Dep. at 75-76, 79. Thus, Mestrich contacted Jeff Farmer, the Teamsters’ director of organizing, in the spring of 2003 to explore the possibility of the two unions collaborating. Mestrich Dep. at 17-18.

Ultimately, on May 6, 2003, UNITE and the Teamsters agreed to “combine! ] resources ... in a coordinated fashion to win union representation and good collective bargaining agreements for Cintas employees.” Rosen Decl. Ex. 7, ¶ 1. Under the terms of their agreement, UNITE obtained “exclusive jurisdiction” to organize “inside production and warehouse employees” while the Teamsters concentrated on “drivers, drivers’ helpers, loaders at depots and vehi[236]*236ele mechanics.” Rosen Decl. Ex. 7, ¶ 3(A). A Coordinating Committee, composed of three members from each union, controlled the direction of the joint campaign, but the Campaign Director, whom UNITE selected, controlled the campaign’s day-to-day operations.5 Rosen Decl. Ex. 7, ¶ 4. UNITE agreed to pay sixty percent of the campaign’s costs, and the Teamsters agreed to pay the remaining forty percent of the costs. Rosen Decl. Ex. 7,¶ 5.

C. Importance of Home Visits

As part of the campaign, UNITE contacted Cintas employees to further investigate concerns of which it had already learned, to identify other allegedly problematic working conditions at Cintas, and to gauge the employees’ interest in unionizing. See Mestrich Dep. at 199. UNITE also hoped to find additional employees willing to join either the Veliz class or another class action lawsuit pending against Cintas.6 DeMay Dep. at 51, 89.

Though organizers needed to make contact, they believed that Cintas employees would not speak with them on Cintas’s premises because they feared that Cintas management would retaliate against employees who consorted with the union. To put them more at ease, UNITE’s organizers decided to visit employees at their homes. Qadeer Aff. ¶ 9. Before they could make any home visits, however, organizers needed to compile a list of employees’ names and addresses.

D. UNITE Contacts Employees from Emmaus Plant

UNITE got names and addresses of Cintas employees from a variety of sources, including telephone directories, public records, internet databases, and other employees. Mestrich Dep. at 29-31. Most significantly for purposes of this case, UNITE also obtained some employees’ names and addresses from motor vehicle records, a practice that it had employed occasionally at least since the 1970s.7 Mestrich Dep. at 199-200; Raynor Dep. at 19.

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Bluebook (online)
228 F.R.D. 230, 177 L.R.R.M. (BNA) 2482, 2005 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 10334, 2005 WL 1283659, Counsel Stack Legal Research, https://law.counselstack.com/opinion/pichler-v-unite-paed-2005.