Karsjens v. Jesson

109 F. Supp. 3d 1139, 2015 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 78171, 2015 WL 3755870
CourtDistrict Court, D. Minnesota
DecidedJune 15, 2015
DocketCivil No. 11-3659 (DWF/JJK)
StatusPublished
Cited by27 cases

This text of 109 F. Supp. 3d 1139 (Karsjens v. Jesson) is published on Counsel Stack Legal Research, covering District Court, D. Minnesota primary law. Counsel Stack provides free access to over 12 million legal documents including statutes, case law, regulations, and constitutions.

Bluebook
Karsjens v. Jesson, 109 F. Supp. 3d 1139, 2015 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 78171, 2015 WL 3755870 (mnd 2015).

Opinion

FINDINGS OF FACT, CONCLUSIONS OF LAW, AND ORDER

DONOVAN W. FRANK, District Judge.

INTRODUCTION

This case challenges the constitutionality of the statutes governing civil commitment and treatment of sex offenders in Minnesota as written and as applied, and in so doing, challenges the boundaries that we the people set on the notions of individual liberty and freedom, the bedrock principles embedded in the United States Constitution. As has been long recognized, the government may involuntarily detain an individual outside of the criminal justice system through the so-called “civil commitment” process, which permits the state to detain individuals who are suffering from acute symptoms of severe mental illness and who are truly dangerous to the public as a result of their psychiatric condition. But our constitutional preservation of liberty requires that we carefully scrutinize any such deprivation of an individual’s freedom to ensure that the civil commitment process is narrowly tailored so that detention is absolutely limited to a period of time necessary to achieve these narrow governmental objectives. After all, the individual who is civilly committed is not being detained in order to be punished for the commission of a crime. If it turns out that the civil commitment is in reality punishment for past crimes or a way to prevent future crimes that might be committed, or, in the words of Justice Anthony M. Kennedy, “[i]f the civil system is used simply to impose punishment after the State makes an improvident plea bargain on the criminal side, then it is not performing its proper function.” Kansas v. Hendricks, 521 U.S. 346, 373, 117 S.Ct. 2072, 138 L.Ed.2d 501 (1997) (Kennedy, J., concurring); see also id. (“We should bear in mind that while incapacitation is a goal common to both the criminal and civil systems of confinement, retribution and general deterrence are reserved for the criminal system alone.”).

One reason why we must be so careful about civil commitment is that it can be used by the state to segregate undesirables from society by labeling them with a mental abnormality or personality disorder. For example, civil commitment might improperly be used to indefinitely extend the prison terms of individuals who have been criminally convicted of a crime and who have finished serving their defined terms of imprisonment. As the Court has observed previously, the fact that those committed to and confined at the Minnesota Sex Offender Program (the “MSOP”) are sex offenders, who may indeed be subject to society’s opprobrium, does not insulate the criminal and civil justice systems from a fair and probing constitutional inquiry. (See Doc. No. 427 (“February 20, 2014 Order”) at 66.)

It is fundamental to our notions of a free society that we do not imprison citizens because we fear that they might commit a crime in the future. Although the public might be safer if the government, using the latest “scientific” methods of predicting human behavior, locked up potential murderers, rapists, robbers, and, of course, sex offenders, our system of justice, enshrined in rights guaranteed by our Constitution, prohibits the imposition of preventive detention except in very limited [1144]*1144circumstances. This strikes at the very heart of what it means to be a free society where liberty is a primary value of our heritage. Significantly, when the criminal justice system and the civil commitment system carry oút their responsibilities, the constitutional rights of all citizens, including sex offenders, can be upheld without compromising public safety or disrespecting the rights, concerns, and fears of victims.

It is against this backdrop that the Court has closely scrutinized the constitutionality of the civil commitment scheme that the State of Minnesota has adopted, which has resulted in the indefinite detention of over 700 sex offenders at the MSOP.

SUMMARY OF DECISION

As detailed below, the Court conducted a lengthy trial over six weeks to determine whether it should declare that the Minnesota statutes governing civil commitment and treatment of sex offenders are unconstitutional as written and as applied. The Court concludes that Minnesota’s civil commitment statutes and sex offender program do not pass constitutional scrutiny. The overwhelming evidence at trial established that Minnesota’s civil commitment scheme is a punitive system that segregates and indefinitely detains a class of potentially dangerous individuals without the safeguards of the criminal justice system.

The stark reality is that there is something very wrong with this state’s method of dealing with sex offenders in a program that has never fully discharged anyone committed to its detention facilities in Moose Lake and St. Peter since its inception in 1994. The number of committed individuals at these facilities keeps growing, with a current count of approximately 714 committed individuals and a projection of 1,215 committed individuals by 2022. In light of the structure of the MSOP and the history of its operation, no one has any realistic hope of ever getting out of this “civil” detention. Instead, it is undisputed that there are committed individuals who meet the criteria for reduction in custody or who no longer meet the criteria for commitment who continue to be confined at the MSOP.

The Court’s determination that the MSOP and its governing civil commitment statutes are unconstitutional concludes Phase One of this case. The next part of this case will involve the difficult question of what the remedy should be to address this complex problem. The public should know that the Moose Lake and St. Peter facilities will not be immediately closed. This case has never been about the immediate release of any single committed individual or committed individuals. Recognizing that the MSOP system is unconstitutional, there may well be changes that could be made immediately, short of ordering the closure of the facilities, to remedy this problem. The Court will hold a hearing to determine what remedy should be imposed, including, but not limited to, the potential remedies set forth in the Conclusion section below. In the meantime, the Court will hold a Remedies Phase pre-hearing conference on August 10, 2015, where all stakeholders, including state legislative and executive leadership, will be called upon to fashion suitable remedies to be presented to the Court.

Moreover, the parties to this case and all stakeholders know that what is true today, was also true before this lawsuit was filed in 2011. That is, there are some sex offenders who are truly dangerous and who should not be released; however, the criminal and civil justice systems should say so and implement appropriate procedures so as to afford individuals their constitutional [1145]*1145protections. So too, there are individuals who should have been released, provisionally or otherwise, some time ago, and those individuals should be released with a significant support system and appropriate conditions of supervision, all of which can be accomplished without compromising public safety or the concerns and fears of victims.

DECISION

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Cite This Page — Counsel Stack

Bluebook (online)
109 F. Supp. 3d 1139, 2015 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 78171, 2015 WL 3755870, Counsel Stack Legal Research, https://law.counselstack.com/opinion/karsjens-v-jesson-mnd-2015.