OPINION
Justices FLAHERTY, ROBINSON,
and Chief Justice WILLIAMS (ret.) for the Court.
“The purpose of the speech in debate clause is to ensure the Legislature freedom in carrying out its duties.
U * * ⅜
“This freedom ensures the separation of powers among the coordinate branches of government. Further, the fact that the legislators can carry out their duties without being questioned ‘in any other place’ allows the free flow of debate among legislators and the maximization of an effective and open exchange of ideas.” Holmes v. Farmer, 475 A.2d 976, 982 (R.I.1984).
The case before us presents this Court with an unusual constitutional conundrum: at the heart of the controversy are two conflicting constitutional provisions, the purpose of each of which is to serve the proper functioning of our representative democracy. One of the long-acknowledged purposes of the Rhode Island Constitution’s speech in debate clause, article 6, section 5, is the protection of individual legislators from encroachment by the coordinate branches of government and from legal challenges by disgruntled citizens; but, the legislators are garbed with such protection only while engaged in carrying out their core legislative duties. To the framers of the various constitutions, the [1126]*1126public is the ultimate beneficiary of this narrow protection because the speech in debate clause assures an unfettered legislative process. The limited but important immunity conferred by this constitutional provision exists, in the words of Thomas Jefferson, “in order to give to the will of the people the influence it ought to have * * * »1
At the same time, our Constitution contains another provision that is pertinent to the case before us — namely, section 8 of article 3. That provision mandates the establishment of an ethics commission and the adoption of a code of ethics by the General Assembly and then states that “[a]ll elected and appointed officials * * * shall be subject to the code of ethics.”
It is now our solemn duty to determine the applicability of these two constitutional provisions to the case at bar.
I
Facts and Travel
On January 20, 2004, Robert P. Arruda and Beverly M. Clay filed a written complaint with the Rhode Island Ethics Commission (Ethics Commission) against the then-president of the Rhode Island Senate, William V. Irons (Senator Irons).2 The complainants, the chair and vice chair, respectively, of Operation Clean Government (an organization that describes itself as “dedicated to promoting honest, responsible, and responsive state government”) alleged that, despite being faced with conflicts of interest, Senator Irons had participated wrongfully in debate and had voted on certain legislation affecting companies with which he had a business relationship. Although the record is sparse with respect to the precise nature of Senator Irons’s alleged conflicts of interest, it is evident that Senator Irons participated in legislative acts concerning pharmacies while at the same time maintaining as his private clients companies with strong ties to the pharmaceutical industry.
In its essence, the complaint filed by Mr. Arruda and Ms. Clay alleged that, because Senator Irons, who at all relevant times was an insurance broker, had a pecuniary relationship with CVS, Inc. (a major pharmacy retailer) and with Blue Cross & Blue Shield of Rhode Island (a health insurer), he acted improperly when he voted against the Pharmacy Freedom of Choice legislation in 1999 and 2000.3 Specifically, the complainants alleged that Senator Irons acted wrongfully by “deliberat[ing], considering], and otherwise participating] in a governmental decision to affect pharmacy issues, while he was paid significant commissions by Blue Cross & Blue Shield of Rhode Island, the provider of the CVS health-insurance plan covering more than 5,000 employees in Rhode Island.” The complainants also asserted that Senator Irons had failed to file the requisite statement of conflict of interest forms,4 had [1127]*1127failed to file with the Ethics Commission the requisite financial statement,5 and had failed to disclose income received from either CVS, Inc. or Blue Cross & Blue Shield of Rhode Island.6
The Ethics Commission determined that the complaint alleged “facts sufficient to constitute a knowing and willful violation” of the Code of Ethics; and on March 3, 2004, the Commission officially informed Senator Irons that it would investigate the allegations in the complaint. See G.L. 1956 § 36 — 14—12(c)(1). After making the initial determination that the facts alleged in the verified complaint were sufficient to state a cause of action, the Ethics Commission conducted a preliminary investigation to determine whether probable cause existed to support the allegations set forth in the complaint. (According to § 36-14-12(c)(3), if probable cause does not exist, the charges must be dismissed.)
A probable cause hearing was held on November 9, 2004. After conducting an investigation in accordance with the above-referenced statutory mandate, the Ethics Commission issued an order and finding of probable cause for two counts of the complaint, and it dismissed the remaining three counts.7 The Ethics Commission found that probable cause did exist with respect to: (1) the allegation that Senator Irons had a substantial conflict of interest when he participated in the Senate Corporations Committee’s consideration of pharmacy choice legislation in the 1999 and 2000 legislative sessions; and (2) the allegation that Senator Irons used his public office to obtain financial gain for CVS, his client, during the same legislative ses[1128]*1128sions.8
The record before this Court reflects that it was not until April 13, 2007, that there was another filing with the Ethics Commission; on that date, Senator Irons demanded a juiy trial pursuant to article 1, sections 10 and 15, of the Rhode Island Constitution.9 On November 6, 2007, Senator Irons filed a motion seeking dismissal of the remaining two counts in the complaint; those counts alleged violations of §§ 36-14-5(a) and (d).10 The motion to dismiss was predicated on Senator Irons’s contention that prosecution pursuant to those counts would violate the speech in debate clause, article 6, section 5, of the Rhode Island Constitution. Later that month, the Ethics Commission held a hearing on both the motion to dismiss and the demand for a jury trial. On November 28, 2007, the Ethics Commission denied both Senator Irons’s motion to have the [1129]*1129outstanding allegations in the complaint dismissed as well as his demand for a jury trial.
On December 13, 2007, Senator Irons filed a complaint in the Superior Court, in which he contended that the Ethics Commission improperly had denied his motion to dismiss as well as his demand for a jury trial.11 His arguments to the Superior Court were similar to those that he had made before the Ethics Commission: viz., (1)that the protection afforded to him by the speech in debate clause rendered him immune from prosecution -with respect to the above-referenced counts; and (2) that, if he was not immune, he had a constitutional right to a jury trial. After a hearing with respect to these two issues in the Superior Court, the hearing justice granted Senator Irons’s motion to dismiss the remaining two counts. In so ruling, he held:
“[P]ast legislative acts performed by [Senator] Irons are prohibited from inquiry by the Speech in Debate Clause. Consequently, the Ethics Commission is constitutionally precluded from questioning [Senator] Irons about those acts.”
The hearing justice also addressed Senator Irons’s claim of a right to a jury trial, and he concluded that the senator was not so entitled because the Ethics Commission proceedings involved the adjudication of public rights, which type of adjudication he held falls within a recognized exception to the right to be tried by jury.
The Ethics Commission thereafter petitioned this Court for a writ of certiorari in order to obtain review of the Superior Court’s ruling relative to the speech-in-debate issue, and Senator Irons cross-petitioned for a writ of certiorari with respect to his right to a jury trial. We granted both petitions and issued writs of certiora-ri.
II
Analysis
When reviewing the issues raised in a writ of certiorari, this Court conducts a de novo review with respect to all applicable questions of law. Henderson v. Newport County Regional Young Men’s Christian Association, 966 A.2d 1242, 1245-46 (R.I.2009); see also Crowe Countryside Realty Associates, Co., LLC v. Novare Engineers, Inc., 891 A.2d 838, 840 (R.I.2006); Matter of Falstaff Brewing Corp. re: Narragansett Brewery Fire, 637 A.2d 1047, 1049 (R.I.1994). When conducting such review, “[w]e do not weigh the evidence * * *, but only conduct our review to examine questions of law raised in the petition.” Henderson, 966 A.2d at 1246 (quoting Crowe, 891 A.2d at 840).
The speech in debate clause, found in article 6, section 5, of the Rhode Island Constitution, provides: “For any speech in debate in either house, no member shall be questioned in any other place.” The plain and unequivocal language of the clause “confers a privilege on legislators from inquiry into their legislative acts or into the motivation for actual performance of legislative acts that are clearly part of the legislative process.” Holmes v. Farmer, 475 A.2d 976, 983 (R.I.1984).12 It is on the [1130]*1130basis of this constitutional provision that Senator Irons claims immunity from an enforcement action by the Ethics Commission.
The Ethics Commission, however, argues that sections 7 and 8 of article 3 of the Rhode Island Constitution (referred to as the Ethics Amendment) created a narrow exception to the speech in debate clause. According to the Ethics Commission, those provisions authorize it to investigate and pursue enforcement actions against legislators for suspected violations of the Code of Ethics — even regarding their core legislative acts.
Speech-in-debate immunity is a venerable and important product of historical travails (and their resolution) in England that occurred long before the events of 1776, but that immunity was most definitely embraced by this country once independence was achieved. This Court previously has detailed the history of this privilege, and we have noted that it was asserted by members of the English Parliament as early as 1455, with its first known written appearance found in the Speaker’s Petition of 1542. Holmes, 475 A.2d at 981, 981 n. 8. The importance of the privilege was not lost on the founders of this nation; it was separately included in the Articles of Confederation as well as in the constitutions of several states; and eventually it was included in the United States Constitution, in which it was included with “virtually no debate.” Id. at 982. The language of the speech in debate clause of this state, included in our first written constitution in 1842,13 as well as that of the similar provision in the United States Constitution, was derived from the English Bill of Rights of 1689 — a milestone in the centuries-long power struggle between the Parliament and the monarchy. Holmes, 475 A.2d at 981-82; see also Tenney v. Brandhove, 341 U.S. 367, 372, 71 S.Ct. 783, 95 L.Ed. 1019 (1951). More recently, the electorate of this state reaffirmed the speech in debate clause, when, in 1986, the voters adopted a neutral rewrite of the then-existing provisions of the Rhode Island Constitution.14
The speech in debate clause “protects the institution of the Legislature itself from attack by either of the other co-equal branches of government.” Holmes, 475 A.2d at 985. Further, this Court has expressly stated that one of the purposes of the speech in debate clause is “to protect individual legislators ‘from executive and judicial oversight that realistically threat[1131]*1131ens to control his conduct as a legislator.’ ” Id. (quoting Gravel v. United States, 408 U.S. 606, 618, 92 S.Ct. 2614, 33 L.Ed.2d 583 (1972)). In addition, it should go without saying that, because the speech in debate clause “ensurefs] the Legislature freedom in carrying out its duties,” the people are the intended and ultimate beneficiaries. See id. at 982.
As this Court noted previously— invoking the wisdom of the nation’s earliest published case interpreting the legislative privilege—the privilege exists “not with the intention of protecting the members [of the Legislature] against prosecutions for their own benefit, but to support the rights of the people, by enabling their representatives to execute the functions of their office, without fear of prosecutions, civil or criminal.” Holmes, 475 A.2d at 982 (quoting Coffin v. Coffin, 4 Mass. 1, 27 (1808)); see also United States v. Brewster, 408 U.S. 501, 507, 92 S.Ct. 2531, 33 L.Ed.2d 507 (1972) (“The immunities of the Speech or Debate Clause were not written into the Constitution simply for the personal or private benefit of Members of Congress, but to protect the integrity of the legislative process by insuring the independence of individual legislators.”). Without fear of encroachment by the coordinate branches of government or by legal challenges brought by disgruntled citizens, the people’s representatives may engage in “the free flow of debate among legislators and the maximization of an effective and open exchange of ideas.” Holmes, 475 A.2d at 982. Indeed, the legislative privilege serves as but one of many constitutional checks and balances that ensure that the General Assembly can perform its duties without encroachment from the other branches. Id.
This Court has interpreted the speech in debate clause to provide legislators with “absolute” immunity from questioning “by any other branch of government for their acts in carrying out their legislative duties relating to the legislative process.” Holmes, 475 A.2d at 983; see also Marra v. O’Leary, 652 A.2d 974, 975 (R.I.1995). We wish to stress in the strongest possible terms, however, that it in no way grants a legislator the right to transgress the Code of Ethics or any other law. Legislators are held accountable for violations of the Code of Ethics, and they are not immune for actions which violate that code. The only exceptions are those in which the speech in debate clause of the constitution is implicated. The immunity afforded merely precludes the Ethics Commission from prosecuting within a narrow class of core legislative acts. Actions of legislators “in proposing, passing, or voting upon a particular piece of legislation” are core legislative acts that fall “clearly within the most basic elements of legislative privilege.” Holmes, 475 A.2d at 984. In short, “as long as [a legislator’s] challenged actions, stripped of all considerations of intent and motive, were legislative in character, the doctrine of absolute legislative immunity protects them from such claims.” Maynard v. Beck, 741 A.2d 866, 870 (R.I.1999).
Activities that remain unprotected by this immunity include, but are not limited to: speeches delivered outside of the legislature; political activities of legislators; undertakings for constituents; assistance in securing government contracts; republication of defamatory material in press releases and newsletters; solicitation and acceptance of bribes; and criminal activities, even those committed to further legislative activity. Holmes, 475 A.2d at 983; see also Hutchinson v. Proxmire, 443 U.S. 111, 127-28, 133, 99 S.Ct. 2675, 61 L.Ed.2d 411 (1979); United States v. Helstoski, 442 U.S. 477, 489, 99 S.Ct. 2432, 61 L.Ed.2d 12 (1979); Gravel, 408 U.S. at 621 [1132]*1132n. 12, 92 S.Ct. 2614; Brewster, 408 U.S. at 512, 92 S.Ct. 2531.
Here, the actions of Senator Irons, as alleged in the Ethics Commission’s complaint, were, as the parties both agree, core legislative acts. Senator Irons participated in debate, considered legislation affecting pharmacies, and voted, in both 1999 and 2000, to oppose legislation denominated as the Pharmacy Freedom of Choice Act. These are precisely the activities concerning which the Ethics Commission has charged him.
Although the actions of Senator Irons, as alleged in the Ethics Commission’s complaint, fall within the ambit of the speech in debate clause, the Ethics Commission argues that the Ethics Amendment created a narrow repeal of the speech in debate clause by implication, allowing the Ethics Commission to pursue an enforcement action against the Senator for alleged violations of the Code of Ethics.
The Ethics Amendment, like the speech in debate clause, was not the product of a vacuum but rather of specific historical circumstances. In 1992, the then Justices of this Court acknowledged in In re Advisory Opinion to the Governor (Ethics Commission), 612 A.2d 1, 11 (R.I.1992),15 that, prior to the amendment’s adoption “widespread breaches of trust, cronyism, impropriety, and other violations of ethical standards decimated the public’s trust in government.” In response, an ethics committee was created as part of the 1986 Constitutional Convention to con[1133]*1133sider effective measures of ethical reform. Id. at 2. The ethics committee recommended that an independent nonpartisan ethics commission with sweeping powers should be created to adopt a code of ethics and oversee ethics in state and local government. Id. at 3. The state’s electorate approved these recommendations, and they were codified in article 3 of the Rhode Island Constitution. They provide as follows:
“Section 7. Ethical conduct. — The people of the State of Rhode Island believe that public officials and employees must adhere to the highest standards of ethical conduct, respect the public trust and the rights of all persons, be open, accountable and responsive, avoid the appearance of impropriety and not use their position for private gain or advantage. Such persons shall hold their positions during good behavior.”
“Section 8. Ethics commission— Code of Ethics. — The general assembly shall establish an independent non-partisan ethics commission which shall adopt a code of ethics including, but not limited to, provisions on conflicts of interest, confidential information, use of position, contracts with government agencies and financial disclosure. All elected and appointed officials and employees of state and local government, of boards, commissions and agencies shall be subject to the code of ethics. The ethics commission shall have the authority to investigate violations of the code of ethics and to impose penalties, as provided by law; and the commission shall have the power to remove from office officials who are not subject to impeachment.”
In support of its contention that the Ethics Amendment created a narrow exception to the speech in debate clause, the Ethics Commission points to the language in section 8 of article 3, which section states that “All elected and appointed officials * * * shall be subject to the code of ethics.” There is no doubt that a frequently cited canon of constitutional interpretation counsels against creating an exception to a constitutional provision when the plain language of that provision does not expressly provide for exception. See Chester James Antieau, Constitutional Construction 32 (1982). As Chief Justice John Marshall observed, “It would be dangerous in the extreme to infer from extrinsic circumstances, that a case for which the words of an instrument expressly provide, shall be exempted from its operation.” Sturges v. Crowninshield, 17 U.S. (4 Wheat.) 122, 202, 4 L.Ed. 529 (1819). Thus, our conundrum: the language of both provisions is unequivocal and absolute, neither admits of any exceptions. Significantly, there is no indication in the language of the Ethics Amendment that it was intended to abrogate speech-in-debate immunity, and we are resolutely disinclined to abridge such a long-standing and widely accepted constitutional provision in the absence of an express and uncontro-verted manifestation of electoral intent.16
[1134]*1134Moreover, neither provision is appreciably more specific than the other; thus we cannot hold, as would be proper if one were more specific, that the more specific provision prevails over the less so. See Felkner v. Chariho Regional School Committee, 968 A.2d 865, 870 (R.I.2009) (“When confronted with competing statutory provisions that cannot be harmonized, we adhere to the principle that the specific governs the general * * *.”) (internal quotations omitted).17 Nor can we rely on the maxim of constitutional construction that the later-enacted amendment is preferred over the earlier, because the Ethics Amendment and the preexisting provisions were both voted on and approved by the people on the same day.
We conclude, as we must, that both constitutional provisions at issue are specific, unequivocal, do not allow for any exception, and both were affirmed by the voters on the same day. Yet, they stand in diametrical opposition to each other. We cannot accept an invitation to read into the Ethics Amendment an unexpressed repeal of such an ancient and venerable hallmark of our form of government as is the immunity provided in the speech in debate clause without a clear and explicit directive for such an exception in the language of the Ethics Amendment itself. Because no such language is present, we decline to recognize any partial repeal of speech-in-debate immunity.
Because we hold that the Ethics Amendment does not create an exception to the speech in debate clause and, because the alleged actions of Senator Irons were core legislative acts entitled to speech-in-debate immunity, we hold that the Ethics Commission may not question him with respect to those acts. We do not accept the Ethics Commission’s argument that such a holding on our part emasculates the entire Code of Ethics with respect to members of the General Assembly. Indeed, the Ethics Commission remains responsible to enforce the Code of Ethics against legislators when they are engaged in activities other than core legislative activities. As this Court previously has indicated, any claims of speech-in-debate immunity “going beyond what is needed to protect legislative independence are to be closely scrutinized.” Holmes, 475 A.2d at 983 (quoting Hutchinson, 443 U.S. at 127, 99 S.Ct. 2675).
We wish to emphasize that this decision is predicated on our respect for the speech-in-debate immunity — a right that is expressly guaranteed by our constitution and that is widely recognized in this country and most of the English-speaking world. Unquestionably, this right could be modified (or even obviated) by a sufficiently explicit constitutional amendment — but we perceive no such explicitness in the language of the 1986 Ethics Amendment. If the citizens of Rhode Island wish to empower the Ethics Commission to inves[1135]*1135tigate and prosecute legislators with respect to their legislative actions, notwithstanding the operation of the speech in debate clause, they most certainly have the power to do so.
Having decided that Senator Irons is immune from prosecution under the speech in debate clause, we need not, and therefore do not, reach the issue of whether he has the right to be tried by a jury. Senator Irons contends that the violations with which he is charged (essentially, misconduct by a public official and conflicts of interest) existed when the state constitution was adopted and were considered criminal in nature at that time, therefore affording him the right to be tried by jury. The Ethics Commission, on the other hand, maintains that because this Court adopted the public-rights doctrine in National Velour Corp. v. Durfee, 637 A.2d 375, 379 (R.I.1994), exempting the adjudication of public rights from the jury-trial requirement, Senator Irons has no right to be tried by a jury.
Although we do pause to note that Senator Irons has presented a formidable argument to support his position contending that the public-rights doctrine may not apply, we shall leave the analysis of that argument for another day — in keeping with our long-standing policy of not reaching constitutional issues that prove unnecessary for the disposition of the case at bar. See, e.g., In re Brown, 903 A.2d 147, 151 (R.I.2006) (“Neither this Court nor the Superior Court should decide constitutional issues unless it is absolutely necessary to do so.”); Mathieu v. Board of License Commissioners, Town of Jamestown, 115 R.I. 303, 307, 343 A.2d 1, 3 (1975) (“While there may be some merit in petitioner’s argument that [the statute] is unconstitutional, we will consider such a contention only where determination of such an issue is dispositive of the case before us.”); State v. Berberian, 80 R.I. 444, 445, 98 A.2d 270, 270-71 (1953) (“[T]his court will not decide a constitutional question raised on the record when it is clear that the case before it can be decided on another point and that the determination of such question is not indispensably necessary for the disposition of the case.”); see generally Ashwander v. Tennessee Valley Authority, 297 U.S. 288, 346-47, 56 S.Ct. 466, 80 L.Ed. 688 (1936) (Brandéis, J., concurring); Hudson Savings Bank v. Austin, 479 F.3d 102, 106 (1st Cir.2007).
Conclusion
For the reasons stated herein, we affirm the judgment of the Superior Court with respect to its ruling as to the applicability of the speech in debate clause in the Rhode Island Constitution. It not being necessary to do so, we express no opinion with respect to the Superior Court’s ruling on the jury trial issue.18 The record may be remanded to the Superior Court.