Chief Justice ROVIRA
delivered the Opinion of the Court.
Defendants, Roy Romer, Governor of the State of Colorado, Gale A. Norton, Attorney General of the State of Colorado, and the State of Colorado (defendants) appeal the trial court’s entry of a permanent injunction enjoining them from enforcing a voter-initiated amendment to the Colorado Constitution (“Amendment 2”). We affirm.
I
In May 1992, petitions which would amend the Colorado Constitution by adding a new section 30b to article II were filed with the secretary of state. The proposed amendment was put to the voters as Amendment 2 on November 3, 1992, and passed by a vote of 813,966 to 710,151 (53.4% to 46.6%). The secretary of state certified the results on December 16, 1992, as required by article V, section 1, of the state constitution.
Amendment 2 provides:
No Protected Status Based on Homosexual, Lesbian, or Bisexual Orientation. Neither the State of Colorado, through any of its branches or departments, nor any of its agencies, political subdivisions, municipalities or school districts, shall enact, adopt or enforce any statute, regulation, ordinance or policy whereby homosexual, lesbian or bisexual orientation, conduct, practices or relationships shall constitute or otherwise be the basis of or entitle any person or class of persons to have or claim any minority status quota preferences, protected status or claim of discrimination. [1339]*1339This Section of the Constitution shall be in all respects self-executing.
On November 12, 1992, Richard G. Evans, along with eight other persons, the Boulder Valley School District RE-2, the City and County of Denver, the City of Boulder, the City of Aspen, and the City Council of Aspen (plaintiffs) filed suit in Denver District Court to enjoin the enforcement of Amendment 2 claiming that the amendment was unconstitutional.
The trial court conducted an evidentiary hearing to consider plaintiffs’ motion for a preliminary injunction. Subsequently, the court granted the motion and prohibited the defendants from enforcing Amendment 2 pending the outcome of a trial on the merits.1
The defendants appealed pursuant to C.A.R. 1(a)(3), and we granted review. See Evans v. Romer, 854 P.2d 1270 (Colo.1993) (Evans I). In Evans I, we first addressed the question of the legal standard to be applied in reviewing the trial court’s entry of the preliminary injunction. Following the precedent of the United States Supreme Court, we held that “the Equal Protection Clause of the United States Constitution protects the fundamental right to participate equally in the political process,” and “that any legislation or state constitutional amendment which infringes on this right by ‘fencing out’ an independently identifiable class of persons must be subject to strict judicial scrutiny.” Id. at 1282.
After recognizing that “[t]he immediate objective of Amendment 2 is, at a minimum, to repeal existing statutes, regulations, ordinances, and policies of state and local entities that barred discrimination based on sexual orientation” and that the “ ‘ultimate effect’ of Amendment 2 is to prohibit any governmental entity from adopting similar, or more protective statutes, regulations, ordinances, or policies in the future unless the state constitution is first amended to permit such measures,” we held:
[T]he right to participate equally in the political process is clearly affected by Amendment 2, because it bars gay men, lesbians, and bisexuals from having an effective voice in governmental affairs insofar as those persons deem it beneficial to seek legislation that would protect them from discrimination based on their sexual orientation. Amendment 2 alters the political process so that a targeted class is prohibited from obtaining legislative, executive, and judicial protection or redress from discrimination absent the consent of a majority of the electorate through the adoption of a constitutional amendment. Rather than attempting to withdraw anti-discrimination issues as a whole from state and local control, Amendment 2 singles out one form of discrimination and removes its redress from consideration by the normal political processes.
Id. at 1285. We concluded that the trial court did not err in granting the preliminary injunction enjoining defendants from enforcing Amendment 2.
After our decision in Evans I, the case was remanded to the trial court to determine whether Amendment 2 was supported by a compelling state interest and narrowly tailored to serve that interest. Id. at 1286. At trial the defendants offered six “compelling” state interests: (1) deterring factionalism; (2) preserving the integrity of the state’s political functions; (3) preserving the ability of the state to remedy discrimination against suspect classes; (4) preventing the government from interfering with personal, familial, and religious privacy; (5) preventing government from subsidizing the political objectives of a special interest group; and (6) promoting the physical and psychological well-being [1340]*1340of Colorado children.2
The trial court concluded that the interest in deterring “factionalism” was in truth, nothing more than an attempt to impede the expression of “a difference of opinion on a controversial political question_” It concluded that the first governmental interest was not a compelling state interest but rather, that “the opposite of defendants’ claimed compelling interest is most probably compelling,” i.e., encouraging the competition of ideas with uninhibited, robust, and wide-open political debate.
The trial court found that the interest of preserving the State’s political functions, premised on the Tenth Amendment right of the states to amend state constitutions, was not a compelling interest since “[defendants’ legal argument is not supported by federal or state case law, nor is it supported by the Colorado Constitution.”
With respect to the interest in preserving the ability of the state to remedy discrimination against groups which have been held to be suspect classes, the trial court stated its doubt as to whether fiscal concerns of the state rise to the level of a compelling state interest. The court held that Amendment 2 could not be understood to further this interest because,
[d]efendants’ evidence was principally in the form of opinion and theory as to what would occur if a Denver type ordinance were adopted as a state statute. There is no such statute, nor is one proposed. Plaintiffs’ evidence was based on what has happened over the course of eleven years in Wisconsin, and during the time in which the Denver ordinance has included a sexual orientation provision. Those actual experiences show that the presence of a sexual orientation provision has not increased costs or impaired the enforcement of other civil rights statutes or ordinances.
Thus, the trial court concluded that “defendants’ offered evidence of lack of fiscal ability [is] unpersuasive in all respects.”
The trial court held that preventing the government from interfering with personal, familial, and religious privacy was, in part, a compelling state interest. Although the court acknowledged promotion of family privacy is a compelling state interest, it held that defendants never established what they meant by the term “family.” Moreover, defendants failed to “tie-in ... the interest of protecting the family and denying gays and bisexuals the right to political participation _”
The trial court also found that preserving religious liberty was a compelling state interest. However, it held that Amendment 2 was not narrowly tailored to serve this interest. “The narrowly focused way of addressing [antidiscrimination protections for gay men, lesbians, and bisexuals] is to add to it a religious exemption such as is found in the Denver and Aspen ordinances, not to deny gays and bisexuals their fundamental right of participation in the political process.”
The trial court rejected the personal privacy component of the argument on the grounds that “[t]he general issue of whether personal privacy is a compelling state interest was not adequately established. The court can only speculate as to what defendants mean by personal privacy and how Amendment 2 protects such a right.”
The interest in preventing government from subsidizing the political objectives of a special interest group was rejected on the grounds that “[t]his claimed compelling interest was not supported by any credible evidence or any cogent argument, and the court concludes that it is not a compelling state interest.”
Similarly, the trial court rejected the argument that the protection of children is a compelling state interest served by Amendment 2 because “[djefendants have failed to present sufficient evidence to support this claimed compelling interest.”
Accordingly, because the trial court concluded that Amendment 2 was not necessary to support any compelling state interest and narrowly tailored to meet that interest, it [1341]*1341permanently enjoined the enforcement of Amendment 2.3
On appeal the defendants argue that: (1) the legal standard set forth by this Court in Evans I for assessing the constitutionality of Amendment 2 should be reconsidered; (2) Amendment 2 is supported by several compelling state interests and is narrowly tailored to meet those interests; (3) that the unconstitutional provisions of Amendment 2 are severable from the remainder; and (4) Amendment 2 is a valid exercise of state power under the Tenth Amendment to the United States Constitution.
II
Defendants first ask that we reconsider the constitutional principles articulated in Evans I, but they offer no arguments that were not then considered and rejected by this court. We see no reason to revisit that decision. We reaffirm our holding that the constitutionality of Amendment 2 must be determined with reference to the strict scrutiny standard of review.4
Ill
A legislative enactment which infringes on a fundamental right or which burdens a suspect class is constitutionally permissible only if it is “necessary to promote a compelling state interest,” Dunn v. Blumstein, 405 U.S. 330, 342, 92 S.Ct. 995, 1003, 31 L.Ed.2d 274 (1972), and does so in the least restrictive manner possible. Plyler v. Doe, 457 U.S. 202, 217, 102 S.Ct. 2382, 2395, 72 L.Ed.2d 786 (1982). The question of what constitutes a compelling state interest is one of law and thus, we review the trial court’s ruling de novo. League of United Latin Am. Citizens, Council No. 4434 v. Clements, 986 F.2d 728, 772 n. 30 (5th Cir.1993); Scott v. Rosenberg, 702 F.2d 1263, 1274 (9th Cir.[1342]*13421988). Defendants argue that Amendment 2 is supported by a number of compelling state interests and is narrowly tailored to serve those interests.5
A
Defendants’ first asserted governmental interest is in protecting the sanctity of religious, familial, and personal privacy. Freedom of religion is expressly guaranteed by both the First Amendment to the United States Constitution and article II, section 4 of the Colorado Constitution and stands at the core of our Nation’s history and tradition. It is among the highest values of our society. See Murdock v. Pennsylvania, 319 U.S. 105, 115-17, 68 S.Ct. 870, 876-77, 87 L.Ed. 1292 (1943). There can be little doubt that ensuring religious freedom is a compelling governmental interest.
Defendants argue that Amendment 2 is necessary to serve this interest because “[u]nder the ordinances preempted by Amendment 2, individual landlords or employers who have deep-seated and profound religious objections to homosexuality would nonetheless be compelled to compromise those convictions, under threat of government sanctions.” In support of this proposition, defendants rely on Smith v. Commission of Fair Employment & Hous., 25 Cal.App.4th 251, 30 Cal.Rptr.2d 395 (3 Dist.1994), pet. for review granted and opinion superseded by Smith v. Fair Employment & Hous. Comm’n, 33 Cal.Rptr.2d 567, 880 P.2d 111 (Cal.1994). (See Cal.Ct.Rules 976(d) opinion withdrawn from publication pending review).
In Smith, the plaintiff challenged the ruling of the California Commission of Fair Employment and Housing which found that she had impermissibly discriminated, based on their marital status, against a couple who sought to rent housing. The couple was unmarried and the plaintiff refused to rent to them on the grounds that doing so would violate her deeply-held religious beliefs. Plaintiff was ordered to cease and desist marital discrimination; post a notice announcing her violation of California law for ninety days; permanently post a notice to rental applicants of-their rights and remedies under California antidiscrimination laws; and sign both notices and provide copies to each person who subsequently expressed an interest in renting her property. Id. 30 Cal.Rptr.2d at 397-98.
The California court of appeals concluded that the commission’s order substantially burdened plaintiffs free exercise rights because she “cannot remain faithful to her religious convictions and beliefs and yet rent to unmarried couples.” Id. 30 Cal.Rptr.2d at 399.6
Assuming arguendo that ordinances such as that in effect in Boulder, which prohibit discrimination against gay men, lesbians, and bisexuals in housing and employment but which contain no exception for religiously-based objections, substantially burden the religious liberty of those who object to renting or employing gay men, lesbians, or bisexuals on religious grounds, the enactment of Amendment 2 clearly is not narrowly tailored to serve the interest of ensuring religious [1343]*1343liberty. To the contrary, an equally effective, and substantially less onerous way of accomplishing that purpose simply would be to require that antidiscrimination laws which include provisions for sexual orientation also include exceptions for religiously-based objections. This is precisely what the Denver antidiscrimination laws provide. Denver, Colo., Rev.Mun.Code art. IV, §§ 28-92, 28-93, 28-95 to 28-97 (1992 Supp.). Similar exemptions for religious organizations are found in federal antidiscrimination statutes. See, e.g., 42 U.S.C. § 2000e-l (1994 Supp.) (exempting religious organizations from the prohibition against employment discrimination); 42 U.S.C. § 3607 (1994 Supp.) (exemption for religious organizations in housing and public accommodation).7 Defendants do not, and we doubt that they could, argue that the Denver ordinance impairs religious freedom. Indeed, Joseph Broadus, who testified as an expert witness on behalf of the defendants, testified that imposing a religiously-based exemption on antidiscrimination laws intended to protect gay men, lesbians, and bisexuals would be less restrictive than Amendment 2 and would adequately address any concerns about religious liberty.
It is clear that Amendment 2, which affects the fundamental right of gay men, lesbians, and bisexuals to participate equally in the political process, is not the least restrictive means of ensuring religious liberty, and is not narrowly tailored to serve the compelling governmental interest in ensuring the free exercise of religion.
Defendants also argue that Amendment 2 serves the compelling interest of preserving “familial privacy.” Family privacy is characterized by defendants as the right “of some parents to teach traditional moral values” to their children. As support, defendants cite authority recognizing the sanctity of the family and the central role the family plays in society. See, e.g., Moore v. City of East Cleveland, 431 U.S. 494, 503-04, 97 S.Ct. 1932, 1937-38, 52 L.Ed.2d 531 (1977) (“the Constitution protects the sanctity of the family precisely because the institution of the family is deeply rooted in this Nation’s history and tradition”); Ginsberg v. New York, 390 U.S. 629, 639, 88 S.Ct. 1274, 1280, 20 L.Ed.2d 195 (1968) (parental role is “basic in the structure of our society”).
Defendants contend that the “right of familial privacy” is “severely undermine[d]” by the enactment of antidiscrimination laws protecting gay men, lesbians, and bisexuals because “[i]f a child hears one thing from his parents and the exact opposite message from the government, parental authority will inevitably be undermined.” This argument fails because it rests on the assumption that the right of familial privacy engenders an interest in having government endorse certain values as moral or immoral. While it is true that parents have a constitutionally protected interest in inculcating their children with their own values, see Prince v. Massachusetts, 321 U.S. 158, 166, 64 S.Ct. 438, 442, 88 L.Ed. 645 (1944), defendants point to no authority, and we are aware of none, holding that parents have the corresponding right of insuring that government endorse those values.
The United States Supreme Court has repeatedly held that the individual’s right to profess or practice certain moral or religious beliefs does not entail a right to have government itself reinforce or follow those beliefs or practices. See, e.g., Bowen v. Roy, 476 U.S. 693, 699, 106 S.Ct. 2147, 2151-52, 90 L.Ed.2d 735 (1986) (“Never to our knowledge has the Court ... require[d] the Government itself to behave in ways that the individual [1344]*1344believes will further his or her spiritual development or that of his or her family.”). Furthermore, it is clear that the government does not burden an individual’s constitutional rights merely because it endorses views with which that individual may disagree. See Block v. Meese, 793 F.2d 1303, 1312-14 (D.C.Cir.1986) (then Judge Scalia concluding that “[a] rule excluding official praise or criticism of ideas would lead to the strange conclusion that it is permissible for the government to prohibit racial discrimination, but not to criticize racial bias; to criminalize polygamy, but not to praise the monogamous family_”). Id. at 1313.
Consequently, fully recognizing that parents have a “privacy” right to instruct their children that homosexuality is immoral, we find that nothing in the laws or policies which Amendment 2 is intended to prohibit interferes with that right. With or without Amendment 2, parents retain full authority to express their views about homosexuality to their children. We believe that Amendment 2 is neither necessary nor narrowly tailored to preserve familial privacy because that right is not implicated by the laws and policies which Amendment 2 proscribes.
Defendants also argue that Amendment 2 serves the compelling state interest in preserving “personal privacy.” While it is not entirely clear what is meant by the phrase, it appears that the defendants are referring to the right of “associational privacy” which will be impaired in the absence of Amendment 2 because individuals may be forced to associate with gay men, lesbians, and bisexuals in the rental of housing.8
As the Supreme Court has explained, the right of associational privacy protects associations involving,
deep attachments and commitments to the necessarily few other individuals with whom one shares not only a special community of thoughts, experiences, and beliefs but also distinctively personal aspects of one’s life.... [T]hey are distinguished by such attributes as relative smallness, a high degree of selectivity in the decisions to begin and maintain the affiliation, and seclusion from others in critical aspects of the relationship. As a general matter, only relationships with these sorts of qualities are likely to reflect the considerations that have led to an understanding of freedom of association as an intrinsic element of personal liberty.
Roberts v. United States Jaycees, 468 U.S. 609, 620, 104 S.Ct. 3244, 3260-52, 82 L.Ed.2d 462 (1984).
While preserving associational privacy may rise to the level of a compelling state interest, Amendment 2 is not narrowly tailored to serve that interest. Amendment 2 would forbid governmental entities from prohibiting discrimination against gay men, lesbians, and bisexuals (because they are gay, lesbian, or bisexual) in all aspects of commercial and public life, no matter how impersonal. Amendment 2 affects a vast array of affiliations which in no way implicate associational privacy. None of the criteria needed to precipitate associational privacy rights exists: there is no “special community” distinguished by “selectivity,” “relative smallness,” or any concern with “distinctively personal aspects of one’s life.” Id.
[A]n association lacking these qualities— such as a large business enterprise — seems remote from the concerns giving rise to this constitutional protection. Accordingly, the Constitution undoubtedly imposes constraints on the State’s power to control the selection of one’s spouse that would not [1345]*1345apply to regulations affecting the choice of one’s fellow employees.
Id. (citing Loving v. Virginia, 388 U.S. 1, 12, 87 S.Ct. 1817, 1823-24, 18 L.Ed.2d 1010 (1967) and Railway Mail Ass’n v. Corsi, 326 U.S. 88, 93-94, 65 S.Ct. 1483, 1487-88, 89 L.Ed. 2072 (1945)).
To the extent that antidiscrimination laws protecting gay men, lesbians, and bisexuals have the potential to implicate associational privacy rights, a narrower way of avoiding this conflict would be to exempt the sort of intimate associations identified in Roberts from the scope of such laws. For instance, landlords could be allowed to discriminate against homosexuals in the rental of owner-occupied housing — the so-called “Mrs. Murphy’s Boarding House” exception. See, e.g., Fair Housing Act, 42 U.S.C. § 3603(b) (1988 & 1994 Supp.) (exempting certain owner-occupied housing from the Fair Housing Act); Statutory History of the United States: Civil Rights, Part II 1741-52, 1805-06 (B. Schwartz ed. 1970) (detailing legislative history and policies underlying “Mrs. Murphy’s Boarding House” exemption in Fair Housing Act). Similar exemptions already exist under Colorado law. For instance, Denver’s antidiscrimination ordinance exempts from its housing and public accommodation provisions multiple unit dwellings of not more than two units where one of the units is owner occupied. Denver, Colo., Rev.Mun. Code art. IV, §§ 28-95(b)(2) & 28-96(b)(2) (1991). Similarly, the Colorado Civil Rights statute exempts from the definition of “housing” any room offered for rent or lease in a single-family dwelling occupied in part by the owner. § 24-34-501(2), 10A C.R.S. (1988).
Amendment 2, however, does no such thing. Rather, it prohibits governmental entities from enacting laws barring discrimination against gay men, lesbians, and bisexuals in all contexts, regardless of the nature of the relationship involved and the extent of intimacy inherent in those relationships. Amendment 2 sweeps more broadly than necessary and is not narrowly tailored to serve the governmental interest in preserving associational privacy.
B
Defendants next assert that because “laws and policies designed to benefit homosexuals and bisexuals have an adverse effect on the ability of state and local governments to combat discrimination against suspect classes.... Amendment 2 is an appropriate means whereby the people sought to focus government’s limited resources upon those circumstances most warranting attention.” In short, defendants take the position that Amendment 2 serves the compelling governmental interest in seeing that limited resources are dedicated to the enforcement of civil rights laws intended to protect suspect classes rather than having a portion of those resources diverted to the enforcement of laws intended to protect gay men, lesbians, and bisexuals.
It is well-settled that the preservation of fiscal resources, administrative convenience, and the reduction of the workload of governmental bodies are not compelling state interests. See, e.g., Reed v. Reed, 404 U.S. 71, 76-77, 92 S.Ct. 251, 254, 30 L.Ed.2d 225 (1971) (interest of “reducing case-load of probate courts” is not weighty enough to survive even heightened scrutiny); Shapiro v. Thompson, 394 U.S. 618, 633, 89 S.Ct. 1322, 1330-31, 22 L.Ed.2d 600 (1969); Vlandis v. Kline, 412 U.S. 441, 458-59, 93 S.Ct. 2230, 2239-40, 37 L.Ed.2d 63 (1973) (it is “obvious ... that, as the Court’s assessment of the weight and value of the individual interest escalates, the less likely it is that mere administrative convenience and avoidance of hearings or investigations will be sufficient to justify what otherwise would appear to be. irrational discriminations.”) (White, J., concurring).
Consequently, we conclude that defendants’ asserted interest in preserving the fiscal resources of state and local governments for the exclusive use of enforcing civil rights laws intended to protect suspect classes does not constitute a compelling state interest.
Assuming that the state has some legitimate interest in preserving fiscal resources for the enforcement of civil rights laws intended to protect suspect classes, and [1346]*1346recognizing that combating discrimination against racial minorities and women may constitute a compelling governmental interest, see Roberts v. United States Jaycees, 468 U.S. 609, 623, 104 S.Ct. 3244, 3252-53, 82 L.Ed.2d 462 (1984), the evidence presented indicates that Amendment 2 is not necessary to achieve these goals.9 The chief enforcement officer for Denver’s antidiscrimination ordinance testified that Denver’s protection of gay men, lesbians, and bisexuals has not prevented Denver from protecting other groups or had any significant fiscal impact on Denver. The chief of Wisconsin’s Civil Rights Bureau testified, based on twelve years experience with Wisconsin’s enforcement of its antidiscrimination laws, that protection of gay, lesbian, and bisexual persons has not limited enforcement of other parts of the Wisconsin statutes. The trial court found that protecting gay men, lesbians, and bisexuals from discrimination “has not increased costs or impaired the enforcement of other civil rights statutes or ordinances.”10 This finding is supported by the record and substantiates the conclusion that Amendment 2 is not necessary to serve the governmental interest asserted.
Even if protecting gay men, lesbians, and bisexuals from discrimination has some fiscal impact on the state, Amendment 2 is not narrowly tailored to serve that interest. Ensuring that certain racial, gender, or ethnic groups receive undiminished funds for civil rights enforcement could easily be accomplished by ear-marking funds to cover the costs of such enforcement. Under such an arrangement, any protection for gay men, lesbians, and bisexuals would have to be funded from sources other than funds reserved for the protection of the specified suspect classes. The governmental interest in insuring adequate resources for the enforcement of civil rights laws designed to protect suspect classes from discrimination need not be accomplished by denying the right of gay men, lesbians, and bisexuals from participating equally in the political process. Rather, this interest can be served in such way that no persons’ fundamental rights need be denied.
The defendants’ second asserted governmental interest in support of Amendment 2 is neither necessary nor narrowly tailored to serve that interest.
C
Defendants next argue that Amendment 2 “promotes the compelling governmental interest of allowing the people themselves to establish public social and moral norms.”11 In support of this proposition, defendants define two related norms which are promoted by Amendment 2: Amendment 2 preserves heterosexual families and heterosexual marriage and, more generally, it sends the societal message condemning gay men, lesbians, and bisexuals as immoral.
[1347]*1347The only authority relied on to support the view that the protection of morality constitutes a compelling governmental interest is Barnes v. Glen Theater, Inc., 501 U.S. 560, 111 S.Ct. 2456, 115 L.Ed.2d 504 (1991). Defendants cite the plurality opinion in Barnes for the proposition that “the State’s interest in protecting order and morality is compelling; substantial; subordinating; paramount; cogent; strong.” Barnes does not support defendants’ contention that protecting public morality constitutes a compelling governmental interest.
In Barnes, four Justices held that “the public indecency statute ... furthers a substantial government interest in protecting order and morality.” Barnes, 501 U.S. at 567, 111 S.Ct. at 2461 (emphasis added). Justice Souter provided the fifth vote in Barnes, however he did not rely “on the possible sufficiency of society’s moral views to justify the limitations at issue.” Id. at 582, 111 S.Ct. at 2468 (Souter, J., concurring). Rather, he was of the opinion that the Indiana law at issue (which prohibited completely nude dancing) was permissible due to the “State’s substantial interest in combating the secondary effects of adult entertainment establishments....” Id. None of the justices in Barnes concluded that furthering public morality constitutes a compelling state interest.
Consequently, defendants have cited no authority to support the proposition that the promotion of public morality constitutes a compelling governmental interest, and we are aware of none. At the most, this interest is substantial. However, a substantial governmental interest is not sufficient to render constitutional a law which infringes on a fundamental right — the interest must be compelling. See Plyler v. Doe, 457 U.S. 202, 217, 102 S.Ct. 2382, 2395, 72 L.Ed.2d 786 (1982).
Furthermore, even recognizing the legitimacy of promoting public morals as a governmental interest, it is clear to us that Amendment 2 is not necessary to preserve heterosexual families, marriage, or to express disapproval of gay men, lesbians, and bisexuals. First, we reject defendants’ suggestion that laws prohibiting discrimination against gay men, lesbians, and bisexuals will undermine marriages and heterosexual families because married heterosexuals will “choose” to “become homosexual” if discrimination against homosexuals is prohibited. This assertion flies in the face of the empirical evidence presented at trial on marriage and divorce rates. For example, Wisconsin, the state with the oldest “gay rights” law in the nation, enacted in 1982, reports that the divorce rate in Wisconsin declined after the enactment of its antidiscrimination statute. See Center for Health Statistics, Division of Health, Wisconsin Dep’t of Health & Social Services, 1990 Wisconsin Vital Statistics Report, at p. 93, Figure 13 (divorce rates in Wisconsin peak at 3.9 divorces per 1,000 population in 1981 and decline thereafter to 3.6 divorces per 1,000 population in 1990).
Defendants also argue that the “endorsement” of homosexuality undermines marriage and heterosexual families because anti-discrimination laws implicitly endorse that conduct which is deemed an improper basis for discrimination. We are of the opinion, however, that antidiscrimination laws make no assumptions about the morality of protected classes — they simply recognize that certain characteristics, be they moral or immoral — have no relevance in enumerated commercial contexts. For instance, it is difficult to imagine how a law which prohibits employers from discriminating against anyone engaged in off-duty, legal conduct such as smoking tobacco, see § 24-34-402.5, 10A C.R.S. (1994 Supp.), constitutes an endorsement of smoking.
In short, prohibitions on discrimination against gay men, lesbians, and bisexuals do not imply an endorsement of any particular sexual orientation or practices. To the contrary, prohibitions on discrimination imply at most that termination of employment, eviction or denial of rental opportunities, denial of insurance coverage, and other sanctions in commercial contexts based on sexual orientation are not appropriate ways of advancing even valid moral beliefs.
Accordingly, we reject defendants’ third asserted interest as a basis for finding that Amendment 2 is constitutionally valid.
[1348]*1348D
Defendants contend that Amendment 2 “prevents government from supporting the political objectives of a special interest group.” The only argument offered to substantiate the contention that this is a compelling state interest is the following observation from Lyng v. International Union, 485 U.S. 360, 369, 108 S.Ct. 1184, 1191, 99 L.Ed.2d 380 (1988): “[A]t the heart of the First Amendment is the notion that an individual should be free to believe as he will, and that in a free society one’s beliefs should be shaped by his mind and his conscience rather than coerced by the State.” (quoting Abood v. Detroit Bd. of Educ., 431 U.S. 209, 234-45, 97 S.Ct. 1782, 1799-1805, 52 L.Ed.2d 261 (1977)).
Defendants do not claim that the laws which Amendment 2 is intended to prohibit constitute an infringement on the First Amendment liberties identified in Lyng. Similarly, they do not take the position that those laws amount to a “coercion] by the State” to believe anything. Rather, they assert that the laws which Amendment 2 is intended to prohibit constitute an implicit endorsement of homosexuality and that this somehow vitiates the right of individuals “to make their own judgments on this question .... ” As explained above, however, we do not believe that antidiscrimination laws constitute an endorsement of the characteristics that are deemed an unlawful basis upon which to discriminate against individuals. See infra pp. 1347-1348.
More significantly, defendants offer no authority to support the rather remarkable proposition that the government has a compelling interest in seeing that the state does not support the political objectives of a “special interest group.” The state exists for the very purpose of implementing the political objectives of the governed so long as that can be done consistently with the constitution. The fact that some political objectives are promoted by “special interest groups” is utterly inconsequential. Indeed, virtually any law could be regarded as a benefit to a “special interest group.” If defendants’ argument had any merit at all, the compelling state interest defined would justify striking down almost any legislative enactment imaginable. This is clearly not the law. No citation of authority is needed to make the point.
We reject defendants’ assertion that Amendment 2 is justified by the compelling governmental interest in not having the state endorse the political objectives of a special interest group.
E
Defendants claim that Amendment 2 “serves to deter factionalism through ensuring that decisions regarding special protections for homosexuals and bisexuals are made at the highest level of government.” More specifically, they argue that “Amendment 2 is intended, not to restrain the competition of ideas,” but “seeks to ensure that the deeply divisive issue of homosexuality’s place in our society does not serve to fragment Colorado’s body politic.” Amendment 2 accomplishes this end by eliminating “city-by-city and county-by-county battles over this issue.”
We reject the argument that the interest in deterring factionalism, as defined by defendants, is compelling. Political debate, even if characterized as “factionalism,” is not an evil which the state has a legitimate interest in deterring but rather, constitutes the foundation of democracy. “[T]here is no significant state or public interest in curtailing debate or discussion of a ballot measure.” Citizens Against Rent Control v. City of Berkeley, 454 U.S. 290, 299, 102 S.Ct. 434, 439, 70 L.Ed.2d 492 (1981). See also Williams v. Rhodes, 393 U.S. 23, 32, 89 S.Ct. 5, 11, 21 L.Ed.2d 24 (1968). We fail to see how the state, which is charged with serving the will of the people, can have any legitimate interest in preventing one side of a controversial debate from pressing its case before governmental bodies simply because it would prefer to avoid political controversy or “factionalism.” See Police Dep’t of Chicago v. Mosley, 408 U.S. 92, 96, 92 S.Ct. 2286, 2290, 33 L.Ed.2d 212 (1972) (“government may not grant the use of a forum to people whose views it finds acceptable, but deny use [1349]*1349to those wishing to express less favored or more controversial views”).
In support of the asserted compelling interest in deterring factionalism, defendants rely on Storer v. Brown, 415 U.S. 724, 94 S.Ct. 1274, 39 L.Ed.2d 714 (1974). Storer involved a state requirement that proponents of any viewpoint resign from political parties and not run in those parties’ primaries if the proponents intend to run as independent candidates. The purpose of this neutral election procedure was to insure that independent candidates were more than merely sore losers who, having lost one primary, ran as “independents” to satisfy “short-range political goals, pique, or personal quarrel.” Id. at 735, 94 S.Ct. at 1282.
Neither Storer, nor any other case we are aware of supports the proposition that there is a compelling governmental interest in preventing divisive issues from being debated at all levels of government by prohibiting one side of the debate from seeking desirable legislation in those fora. We conclude that the interest in deterring “factionalism” is not a compelling state interest.
F
Defendants argue that each of the governmental interests, while individually adequate to validate Amendment 2, “are especially so when considered in the aggregate.” None of the interests identified by the state is a necessary, compelling governmental interest which Amendment 2 is narrowly tailored to advance. Lumping them together as one grandiose (and rather ill-defined) interest makes them no more necessary, compelling, or narrowly tailored. In this context, the whole is equal, and is as equally deficient as the sum of its parts.
IV
Defendants next argue that the provisions of Amendment 2 are severable and that only those provisions pertaining to “sexual orientation” should be stricken as unconstitutional: “Plaintiffs have only challenged ... the question of sexual orientation. They have not claimed or made any suggestion that Amendment 2’s restrictions concerning homosexual or bisexual conduct, “practices, and relationships are in any way constitutionally suspect.”
In so arguing, defendants not only mis-characterize plaintiffs’ position, but fundamentally misconstrue the intent of Amendment 2. In Evans I, we held that Amendment 2 had been shown to a reasonable probability to be unconstitutional on the grounds that it affected “the fundamental right to participate equally in the political process_by ‘fencing out’ an independently identifiable class of persons.... ” Id. at 1282. The constitutional infirmity of Amendment 2 recognized in Evans I was not limited to sexual orientation as opposed to restrictions concerning homosexual or bisexual conduct, practices, and relationships. To the contrary, it was based on the fact that Amendment 2 sought to deny an independently identifiable group’s right to participate equally in the political process.
“Whether unconstitutional provisions are excised from an otherwise sound law depends on two factors: (1) the autonomy of the portions remaining after the defective provisions have been deleted and (2) the intent of the enacting legislative body.” Robertson v. City and County of Denver, 874 P.2d 325, 335 (Colo.1994) (quoting City of Lakewood v. Colfax Unlimited Ass’n, Inc., 634 P.2d 52, 70 (Colo.1981)).
We hold that the portions of Amendment 2 that would remain if only the provision concerning sexual orientation were stricken are not autonomous and thus, not severable. In addition to denying the right of equal participation in the political process to a group based on sexual orientation, Amendment 2 also is intended to deny that same right to persons based on “homosexual, lesbian or bisexual ... conduct, practices or relationships .... ”
Amendment 2 targets this class of persons based on four characteristics: sexual orientation; conduct; practices, and relationships. Each characteristic provides a potentially different way of identifying that class of persons who are gay, lesbian, or bisexual. These four characteristics are not truly sev-erable from one another because each pro[1350]*1350vides nothing more than a different way of identifying the same class of persons.
The fact that there is no constitutionally recognized right to engage in homosexual sodomy, see Bowers v. Hardwick, 478 U.S. 186, 106 S.Ct. 2841, 92 L.Ed.2d 140 (1986), is irrelevant. Amendment 2 by no stretch of the imagination seeks to criminalize homosexual sodomy. While it is true that such a law could be passed and found constitutional under the United States’ constitution, it does not follow from that fact that denying the right of an identifiable group (who may or may not engage in homosexual sodomy) to participate equally in the political process is also constitutionally permissible. The government’s ability to criminalize certain conduct does not justify a corresponding abatement of an independent fundamental right.
V
Last, defendants argue that even if Amendment 2 is in conflict with the Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution, it is nevertheless a constitutionally valid exercise of the people’s reserved powers under the Tenth Amendment.12 In short, the argument is that the power to amend the state constitution is reserved to Colorado’s voters under the Tenth Amendment, and even if the voters amend the state constitution in such a way as to violate the federal constitution, such an amendment is per se valid.
In support of this argument, defendants rely on Gregory v. Ashcroft, 501 U.S. 452, 111 S.Ct. 2395, 115 L.Ed.2d 410 (1991). In Gregory, the Supreme Court held that the Age Discrimination in Employment Act does not apply to state court judges. In reaching this conclusion, the Court noted that decisions concerning the necessary qualification of state court judges “is a decision of the most fundamental sort for a sovereign entity. Through the structure of its government and the character of those who exercise government authority, a state defines itself as a sovereign.” Id. at 460, 111 S.Ct. at 2400. The court concluded that “Congressional in-terferenee with this decision of the people of Missouri, defining their constitutional officers, would upset the usual constitutional balance of federal and state powers.” Id. (emphasis added).
Gregory applies only to cases involving federal interference with the qualification of constitutional officers. See, e.g., Equal Employment Opportunity Comm’n v. Massachusetts, 987 F.2d 64, 68-69 (1st Cir.1993) (Gregory applies only when federal law interferes with state’s definition of policy-making officials’ qualifications); Tranello v. Frey, 962 F.2d 244, 249 (2d Cir.1992) (same); May v. Arkansas Forestry Comm’n, 993 F.2d 632, 635-36 (8th Cir.1993) (same); Associated Builders & Contractors v. Perry, 817 F.Supp. 49, 53 n. 3 (E.D.Mich.1992) (same).
States have no compelling interest in amending their constitution in ways that violate fundamental federal rights. Reitman v. Mulkey, 387 U.S. 369, 87 S.Ct. 1627, 18 L.Ed.2d 830 (1967) (no reserved power to make right to discriminate a part of the state’s basic charter); Lucas v. Colorado Gen. Assembly, 377 U.S. 713, 736-37, 84 S.Ct. 1459, 1473-74, 12 L.Ed.2d 632 (1964) (“A citizen’s constitutional rights can hardly be infringed simply because a majority of .the people choose that it be.”).
We reject defendants’ argument that Amendment 2 is a constitutionally valid exercise of state power under the Tenth Amendment.
VI
The state has failed to establish that Amendment 2 is necessary to serve any compelling governmental interest in a narrowly tailored way. Amendment 2 is not severable and not a valid exercise of state power under the Tenth Amendment. Accordingly, we affirm the trial court’s entry of a permanent injunction barring its enforcement.
SCOTT, J., concurs.
ERICKSON, J., dissents.