Dillard v. City of Greensboro

213 F.3d 1347
CourtCourt of Appeals for the Eleventh Circuit
DecidedJune 6, 2000
Docket99-6206
StatusPublished
Cited by1 cases

This text of 213 F.3d 1347 (Dillard v. City of Greensboro) is published on Counsel Stack Legal Research, covering Court of Appeals for the Eleventh Circuit primary law. Counsel Stack provides free access to over 12 million legal documents including statutes, case law, regulations, and constitutions.

Bluebook
Dillard v. City of Greensboro, 213 F.3d 1347 (11th Cir. 2000).

Opinion

[PUBLISH]

IN THE UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS

FOR THE ELEVENTH CIRCUIT FILED ________________________ U.S. COURT OF APPEALS ELEVENTH CIRCUIT JUNE 6 2000 No. 99-6206 THOMAS K. KAHN ________________________ CLERK

D. C. Docket No. 87-01223-CR-T-N

JOHN DILLARD, DAMASCUS CRITTENDEN, JR., et al.,

Plaintiffs-Appellees- Cross-Appellants,

versus

CITY OF GREENSBORO,

Defendant-Appellant- Cross-Appellee.

________________________

Appeals from the United States District Court for the Middle District of Alabama _________________________ (June 6, 2000)

Before COX, BIRCH and BARKETT, Circuit Judges.

PER CURIAM: The City of Greensboro, the defendant in this action under § 2 of the Voting

Rights Act,1 appeals an order awarding the plaintiffs attorney fees. The plaintiffs

cross-appeal, seeking to increase the fee. We vacate and render judgment for a

reduced fee.

I. Background

The plaintiffs here sued the town of Greensboro, Alabama (1990 population:

3047) on a claim that the City’s at-large system for electing city councilmembers

violated § 2 by diluting votes cast by the City’s black citizens, who are a majority of

the City’s voting-age population.2 Greensboro agreed to the entry of a consent decree

establishing liability in 1987, not long after the action was filed. By separate

judgment, the City agreed to pay $5712 of the plaintiffs’ attorney fees and expenses

to that date.3

1 42 U.S.C. § 1973. 2 Greensboro was one of over a hundred local government units in Alabama that were defendants in this action. 3 This sum represented only Greensboro’s share, among the dozens of local government units found liable, of the plaintiffs’ fee. The consent judgment also required Greensboro to pay attorney fees for all “extraordinary work” — defined to mean all work over one hour spent in enforcement proceedings — “that [the plaintiffs] contend is allowed by law.” (R.7-237 at 13.) This decree did not make it into the record on this appeal (we are quoting the district court’s quotation), and the plaintiffs do not rely on it; we therefore consider whatever right to fees it awarded to be equivalent to that statutorily available.

2 But this supposed death-knell turned out to be the starting bell for a long fight:

While the 1987 consent decree settled the question whether there would be single-

member city-council districts, and the parties have always agreed that there would be

five districts, the decree did not settle the question of the five districts’ boundaries.

Even within that dispute, however, there was common ground. With the exception of

two alternative plans proposed by the City early in the remedy phase, every plan

advanced by both sides featured two districts whose voting-age population had a black

supermajority.4 And again with the exception of two of Greensboro’s early alternative

plans, all the plans had two districts whose voting-age populations were majority

white. It was the third majority-black district — called the “swing district” — that lay

at the heart of the dispute. The quarrel over the swing district was not about its

boundaries as such (for instance, how they grouped neighborhoods), but centered on

the racial composition of the district. As explained in more detail below, the trend of

the litigation was that the plaintiffs wanted a very black district, while Greensboro

wanted one with a simple black majority or a bare black supermajority in the voting-

age population. The plaintiffs repeatedly accused the City of seeking, through its

proposed boundaries, to preserve white hegemony in Greensboro.

4 “Supermajority” may be a loose term; we mean over 65% of the relevant (usually voting- age) population.

3 The parties proposed their first plans at two hearings in 1988. The plaintiffs’

plan had a swing district whose population (we think total population; the record is

not clear) was over 83% black. The City’s 1988 swing district was 61.3% black. In

the alternative, the City urged adoption of a plan in which each district, like the City

as a whole, had a black majority of just over 60%.

The 1990 census came and went without a court ruling. In 1992, the parties

presented new 1990-data plans at a third evidentiary hearing. The plaintiffs proposed

a plan whose swing district’s voting-age population was 76.4% black. In the City’s

1992 plan, blacks comprised 58.5% of the swing district’s voting-age population.

The magistrate judge recommended adoption of the City’s 1992 plan, subject to

preclearance by the Department of Justice (DOJ) under § 5 of the Voting Rights Act.

The magistrate judge worried, however, that black-voter turnout would be so low in

the swing district that blacks would not elect the “councilperson[] of their choice,”

(R.1-62 at 4), and he therefore recommended retaining jurisdiction to see if the City’s

plan remedied the admitted § 2 violation. The district court adopted the

recommendation and ordered Greensboro to use the City’s plan on an interim basis

for elections in August 1992, while the plan awaited DOJ preclearance.

The swing district in Greensboro’s plan elected a white to the city council over

a black candidate. Late in 1992, following the election, the DOJ refused to preclear

4 the plan because that district’s black majority had elected a white rather than the

“black-supported candidate.” Greensboro now had no voting plan in effect, and the

plaintiffs returned to court and moved for imposition of a plan like those they had

proposed before, again with a swing district whose voting-age population was over

75% black.

Following a hearing in 1993, the court permitted the City to seek preclearance

of another plan it had proposed. Although this plan had a blacker swing district (with

a 62% black voting-age majority), the DOJ rejected this plan, as well, because the

swing district was not black enough. The City gave up and, in June 1994, asked the

court by letter to draw a plan that would save the City from having to seek

preclearance. The City’s counsel offered as an example a plan with a swing district

whose voting-age population was 66.3% black. The plaintiffs responded by

continuing to urge a plan like the one they had proposed in 1992, in which the swing

district’s voting-age population was over 75% black. The plan proposed by

Greensboro’s counsel, they argued, was seeking a “‘sweet spot’ where the district is

high enough in black percentage to please the Court . . .[,] but low enough that whites

will still be able to control the district and defeat the black-preferred candidate.” (R.2-

100 at 4.) The district court rejected the plan proposed by the City’s counsel,

concluding that there was no evidence that the 66%-black district was black enough

5 to ensure effectuation of black-voter preferences; nor had the City explained why in

the light of other available plans it had “limit[ed] black electoral opportunities in [the]

manner that it did.” (R.2-103 at 9 (internal quotation omitted).) The court thus

adopted the plaintiffs’ plan and ordered a special election.

The City appealed. This court observed that race appeared to have been a

paramount concern in the choice of districts and questioned the soundness of the

district court’s plan under the equal-protection principles announced in Shaw v. Reno,

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