Delay v. State

465 S.W.3d 232, 2014 WL 10120557
CourtCourt of Criminal Appeals of Texas
DecidedOctober 1, 2014
DocketNo. PD-1465-13
StatusPublished
Cited by56 cases

This text of 465 S.W.3d 232 (Delay v. State) is published on Counsel Stack Legal Research, covering Court of Criminal Appeals of Texas primary law. Counsel Stack provides free access to over 12 million legal documents including statutes, case law, regulations, and constitutions.

Bluebook
Delay v. State, 465 S.W.3d 232, 2014 WL 10120557 (Tex. 2014).

Opinions

OPINION

PRICE, J.,

delivered the opinion of the Court

in which KELLER, P.J., and WOMACK, KEASLER, HERVEY, COCHRAN, and ALCALA, JJ., joined.

The appellant was convicted of the offenses of (1) money laundering of funds of an aggregate value of $190,000, a first-degree felony at the time,1 and (2) conspiracy to commit money laundering of the same aggregate amount, then a felony of the second degree.2 The trial court sentenced the appellant to five years’ confinement for the object offense, although it suspended that sentence and placed the appellant on community supervision for á period of ten years. The trial court sentenced the appellant to three years’ confinement for the conspiracy offense and did not suspend that sentence. On appeal, the Austin Court of Appeals reversed both convictions and rendered a judgment of acquittal with respect to each, having determined that the evidence was legally in[235]*235sufficient to support them.3 We granted the State’s petition for discretionary review to examine its contention that the court of appeals failed to consider all of the evidence and failed to view the evidence it did consider with the proper respect for the jury’s fact-finding function. We will affirm the court of appeals’s judgment.

To be convicted of money laundering, the accused must be shown to have “knowingly ... conducted], supervise^], or facilitated] a transaction involving the proceeds of criminal activity!,]” and the crime that generated the proceeds must generally rise to the level of a felony.4 The appellant was convicted of having facilitated and conspired to facilitate the making of campaign contributions to certain Texas candidates with funds that were tainted because they were generated under circumstances that constituted a felony-grade violation of the Texas Election Code. The appellant has steadfastly insisted, both at trial and on appeal, that the funds were not tainted, for purposes of either money laundering or conspiracy to commit the same, because, as a matter of law, the circumstances under which the funds were generated did not violate any felony provision of the Election Code.

It is axiomatic that, in gauging the legal sufficiency of the evidence to support a particular criminal conviction, reviewing courts are obliged to view all of the evidence in the light most favorable to the jury’s verdict, in deference to the jury’s institutional prerogative to resolve all contested issues of fact and credibility.5 But sometimes appellate review of legal sufficiency involves simply construing the reach of the applicable penal provision in order to decide whether the evidence, even when viewed in the light most favorable to conviction, actually establishes a violation of the law.6 The court of appeals tacitly recognized this when it repeatedly alluded to our opinion in Williams v. State, in which we observed that, “[i]f the evidence establishes precisely what the State has alleged, but the acts that the State has alleged do not constitute a criminal offense under the totality of circumstances, then that evidence, as a matter of law, cannot support a conviction.”7 We agree with the court of appeals’s ultimate conclusion that, as a matter of law, what the State has proven in this case does not constitute either of the alleged criminal offenses.

I. BACKGROUND

A. The Facts

At the time he allegedly committed these offenses, in 2002, the appellant was the Republican Majority Whip of the United States House of Representatives. In [236]*236his capacity as Republican Majority Whip, the appellant established a congressional leadership federal political action committee called Americans for a Republican Majority (“ARMPAC”),8 with Jim Ellis as its director. In a calculated effort to gain more Republican officeholders in the Texas House of Representatives during the 2002 election cycle, with the ultimate goal of obtaining redistricting in Texas so that more Republicans might gain seats from Texas in the United States House of Representatives, the appellant set in motion events that led to the formation of Texans for a Republican Majority (“TRMPAC”), a Texas general-purpose political committee, with Ellis’s friend, John Colyandro, as its director. TRMPAC hired two fund-raisers: Susan Lilly, who specialized in raising political donations from individuals, and Warren RoBold, whose specialty was corporate fund-raising. TRMPAC generated fund-raising brochures, expressly identifying as its mission to “help Republican candidates successfully run and win campaigns in Texas” and assuring corporate donors that, “[ujnlike other organizations, your corporate contribution to TRMPAC will be put to productive use.” Indeed, “[rjather than just paying for overhead,” corporations were told, “your support will fund a series of productive and innovative activities designed to increase our level of engagement in the political arena.” Among those activities promised were “[ajctive candidate evaluation and recruitment” and “[mjonitoring of campaign progress.” One solicitation flier aimed at both individual and corporate donors specifically listed among TRMPAC’s activities that it would “[f]ind the best candidates and help them win[,]” and, more pointedly, “[djirect campaign contributions in targeted races.” Another promised that “[y]our support today will go directly to help Republican candidates in Texas successfully run and win their campaigns.” Yet another flier — this one actually returned to TRMPAC along with a $5,000 corporate donation — directly asserted that “[a]ll contributions, whether to the PAC or individuals, will be used for direct campaign expenses.” The appellant was listed as a member of TRMPAC’s advisory board on most of this fund-raising literature, although the advisory board’s function was largely ceremonial.

The record suggests that RoBold enjoyed greater success raising corporate contributions than Lilly did soliciting from individuals. By the middle of September of 2002, TRMPAC had raised more than $350,000 in corporate contributions. Those funds were deposited in TRMPAC’s so-called “soft money” account, out of which staff salaries and administrative expenses were regularly paid. TRMPAC also maintained a “hard money” account, into which it deposited contributions from individuals. In late August or early September of 2002, Ellis approached Terry Nelson, an officer with the Republican National State Election Committee (“RNSEC”), about the possibility of TRMPAC contributing soft money to RNSEC in exchange for RNSEC making contributions from its hard money account to Texas candidates. On September 13, 2002, Colyandro signed a blank check from TRMPAC’s soft money account and forwarded it to Ellis in Washington, who then completed the check in the amount of $190,000, payable to RNSEC. On receipt, RNSEC deposited the check into its own soft money account. A short time later, [237]*237TRMPAC provided RNSEC with a list of seven Republican candidates for the Texas House of Representatives and requested RNSEC to send specific amounts totaling $190,000, and in early October, the RNSEC cut checks to the campaigns of those seven candidates from its hard money account.

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Bluebook (online)
465 S.W.3d 232, 2014 WL 10120557, Counsel Stack Legal Research, https://law.counselstack.com/opinion/delay-v-state-texcrimapp-2014.