Commonwealth v. Knox, J., Aplt.

CourtSupreme Court of Pennsylvania
DecidedAugust 21, 2018
Docket3 WAP 2017
StatusPublished

This text of Commonwealth v. Knox, J., Aplt. (Commonwealth v. Knox, J., Aplt.) is published on Counsel Stack Legal Research, covering Supreme Court of Pennsylvania primary law. Counsel Stack provides free access to over 12 million legal documents including statutes, case law, regulations, and constitutions.

Bluebook
Commonwealth v. Knox, J., Aplt., (Pa. 2018).

Opinion

[J-83-2017] [MO:Saylor, C.J.] IN THE SUPREME COURT OF PENNSYLVANIA WESTERN DISTRICT

COMMONWEALTH OF PENNSYLVANIA, : No. 3 WAP 2017 : Appellee : Appeal from the Order of the Superior : Court entered August 2, 2016 at No. : 1136 WDA 2014, affirming the Order v. : of the Court of Common Pleas of : Allegheny County entered February : 21, 2014 at Nos. CP-02-CR-0006621- JAMAL KNOX, : 2012, CP-02-CR-0003870-2013, CP- : 02-CR-0004264-2013. Appellant : : ARGUED: November 28, 2017

CONCURRING AND DISSENTING OPINION

JUSTICE WECHT DECIDED: AUGUST 21, 2018

I agree with much of the learned Majority’s opinion. For instance, I concur in the

Majority’s general explication of First Amendment principles in the true threat context.

Specifically, I agree that one result of the United States Supreme Court’s fractured

decision in Virginia v. Black, 538 U.S. 343 (2003), is that our previously-applied objective,

reasonable-listener standard for assessing whether a statement was, in fact, a

constitutionally sanctionable true threat is “no longer viable.” Maj. Op. at 16. The Majority

correctly interprets Black and its progeny to require, as part of a dual-pronged analysis,

an assessment of the speaker’s subjective intent. Finally, I agree with the Majority that

the facts of this case demonstrate that Jamal Knox intended to communicate a true threat

via the lyrics of the contested rap song. Hence, I join the Majority in affirming Knox’

criminal convictions. However, I do not agree with the limited test articulated and applied by the Majority.

The Majority distills the relevant jurisprudence into two general “facets:” (1) the First

Amendment “allows” states to criminalize speech when it is “specifically intended” to

terrorize or intimidate; and (2) “evidentiary weight should be given to contextual

circumstances” surrounding the statement.1 Maj. Op. at 18. My primary disagreement

lies with- the unnecessary restraint employed by the Majority in articulating the first prong

of this test. The Majority correctly concludes that the First Amendment permits imposing

punitive actions upon a person who specifically intends to communicate a true threat. But

the Majority refuses to consider the more important question of whether the First

Amendment requires proof of specific intent, or whether the Amendment would tolerate

punishment of speech based upon proof of only a lesser mens rea such as recklessness

or knowledge. Id. at 17-18 n.10. The Majority accurately notes that this latter inquiry is

an “open question.” Id. I would answer that question in this case.

As a general jurisprudential matter, the Majority’s restrained approach is not

without merit. Nonetheless, there are compelling reasons to resolve this issue presently.

First, Knox places squarely before this Court the question of whether specific intent is a

necessary and essential element to a true threats analysis. Second, and perhaps more

importantly, our current framework predates the United States Supreme Court’s decisions

in Black and Elonis v. United States, ___ U.S. ___, 135 S. Ct. 2001 (2015). Following

Black in particular, the United States Courts of Appeals have been compelled to decide

if, and how, Black affected their preexisting true threats analyses, and whether Black

1 The contextual circumstances referred to by the Majority derive from the United States Supreme Court’s seminal true threats case, Watts v. United States, 394 U.S. 705 (1969) (per curiam). In that case, the Supreme Court held that Watts’ statement was not a true threat, inter alia, because it was uttered during a political rally, because the statement was conditional, and because those who heard the statement did not take it seriously. Id. at 708.

[J-83-2017] [MO: Saylor, C.J.] - 2 required proof of subjective intent. Most circuits have held that Black does not require

such proof. Regardless of the outcome, those decisions underscore the necessity of

interpreting Black and ascertaining its impact upon a true threats analysis. We must

undertake a similar analysis, not only because we are asked to do so, but also because

our current test clearly is outdated and presently insufficient, in large part because we

crafted it in J.S. ex. rel. H.S. v. Bethlehem Area School District., 807 A.2d 847 (Pa. 2002),

which predated the United States Supreme Court’s most recent guidance in this area of

federal constitutional law. Because it is imperative that we reconsider and modify our true

threats test, we should construct a complete and final test, not a partial one that leaves

uncertainty that will serve only to complicate and protract litigation in future cases.

Finally, and perhaps most importantly, declining to resolve the legal question

presented in full would ignore the real and precedential effect of our decisions. Although

we are deciding a First Amendment issue that arose in a criminal case, the framework

that we are called upon to update and revise will not be so confined. The Majority’s limited

decision does not provide sufficient guidance to the next musician who seeks to express

political views and wants to do so to the fullest extent protected by the First Amendment.

It offers no framework for a school district faced with the possibility of punishing (and

possibly expelling) a student who has created a tasteless website or made derogatory

and potentially threatening comments on social media. It affords no paradigm for

application to the teacher who is fired, the police officer who is suspended, or the

municipal employee who is disciplined. The reach of today’s decision is far more

expansive than criminal cases alone. Governmental bodies should know whether they

can take punitive actions against students, employees, or officers if those individuals act

with something less than specific intent. Similarly, individuals should not be subjected to

termination, suspension, or extended desk duty only to find out years later than their

[J-83-2017] [MO: Saylor, C.J.] - 3 conduct was not prohibited by the First Amendment. The issue is more than ripe for

disposition, and the reasons to reach it are compelling.

Following Black, federal appeals courts have split over whether the subjective

intent of a speaker is a necessary component of an actual true threat. See United States

v. Parr, 545 F.3d 491, 500 (7th Cir. 2008) (opining that, after Black, “whether the Court

meant to retire the objective ‘reasonable person’ approach or to add a subjective intent

requirement to the prevailing test for true threats is unclear”). Recent cases have

attempted to parse the “type of intent needed by a defendant to communicate” a true

threat for purposes of the various threat provisions in the United States Criminal Code2 in

the wake of Black. See, e.g., United States v. Clemens, 738 F.3d 1, 2 (1st Cir. 2013).

The First, Second, Third, Fourth, Sixth, Seventh, and Eighth Circuits have

determined that the Black Court did not impose a subjective intent requirement upon the

analysis. Those Circuits eschew such an element, and instead apply an objective test

focused upon either a hypothetical reasonable speaker or a hypothetical reasonable

recipient/listener. See Clemens, 738 F.3d at 10 (assessing threats based upon “an

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