Commonwealth v. Knox, J., Aplt.

Procedural entryThis page is a short order in Commonwealth v. Knox, J., Aplt.. Read the opinion of the Court — 190 A.3d 1146
Supreme Court of Pennsylvania·Decided August 21, 2018·No. 3 WAP 2017·Published

Opinion

[J-83-2017] [MO:Saylor, C.J.]

IN THE SUPREME COURT OF PENNSYLVANIA WESTERN DISTRICT

COMMONWEALTH OF PENNSYLVANIA, : No. 3 WAP 2017 :

Appellee : Appeal from the Order of the Superior : Court entered August 2, 2016 at No.

: 1136 WDA 2014, affirming the Order v. : of the Court of Common Pleas of : Allegheny County entered February : 21, 2014 at Nos. CP-02-CR-0006621-

JAMAL KNOX, : 2012, CP-02-CR-0003870-2013, CP-

: 02-CR-0004264-2013.

Appellant :

: ARGUED: November 28, 2017

CONCURRING AND DISSENTING OPINION

JUSTICE WECHT DECIDED: AUGUST 21, 2018 I agree with much of the learned Majority’s opinion. For instance, I concur in the Majority’s general explication of First Amendment principles in the true threat context. Specifically, I agree that one result of the United States Supreme Court’s fractured decision in Virginia v. Black, 538 U.S. 343 (2003), is that our previously-applied objective, reasonable-listener standard for assessing whether a statement was, in fact, a constitutionally sanctionable true threat is “no longer viable.” Maj. Op. at 16. The Majority correctly interprets Black and its progeny to require, as part of a dual-pronged analysis, an assessment of the speaker’s subjective intent. Finally, I agree with the Majority that the facts of this case demonstrate that Jamal Knox intended to communicate a true threat via the lyrics of the contested rap song. Hence, I join the Majority in affirming Knox’ criminal convictions.

However, I do not agree with the limited test articulated and applied by the Majority.

The Majority distills the relevant jurisprudence into two general “facets:” (1) the First Amendment “allows” states to criminalize speech when it is “specifically intended” to terrorize or intimidate; and (2) “evidentiary weight should be given to contextual circumstances” surrounding the statement.1 Maj. Op. at 18. My primary disagreement lies with- the unnecessary restraint employed by the Majority in articulating the first prong of this test. The Majority correctly concludes that the First Amendment permits imposing punitive actions upon a person who specifically intends to communicate a true threat. But the Majority refuses to consider the more important question of whether the First Amendment requires proof of specific intent, or whether the Amendment would tolerate punishment of speech based upon proof of only a lesser mens rea such as recklessness or knowledge. Id. at 17-18 n.10. The Majority accurately notes that this latter inquiry is an “open question.” Id. I would answer that question in this case.

As a general jurisprudential matter, the Majority’s restrained approach is not without merit. Nonetheless, there are compelling reasons to resolve this issue presently. First, Knox places squarely before this Court the question of whether specific intent is a necessary and essential element to a true threats analysis. Second, and perhaps more importantly, our current framework predates the United States Supreme Court’s decisions in Black and Elonis v. United States, ___ U.S. ___, 135 S. Ct. 2001 (2015). Following Black in particular, the United States Courts of Appeals have been compelled to decide if, and how, Black affected their preexisting true threats analyses, and whether Black

1 The contextual circumstances referred to by the Majority derive from the United States Supreme Court’s seminal true threats case, Watts v. United States, 394 U.S. 705 (1969) (per curiam). In that case, the Supreme Court held that Watts’ statement was not a true threat, inter alia, because it was uttered during a political rally, because the statement was conditional, and because those who heard the statement did not take it seriously. Id. at 708.

required proof of subjective intent. Most circuits have held that Black does not require such proof. Regardless of the outcome, those decisions underscore the necessity of interpreting Black and ascertaining its impact upon a true threats analysis. We must undertake a similar analysis, not only because we are asked to do so, but also because our current test clearly is outdated and presently insufficient, in large part because we crafted it in J.S. ex. rel. H.S. v. Bethlehem Area School District., 807 A.2d 847 (Pa. 2002), which predated the United States Supreme Court’s most recent guidance in this area of federal constitutional law. Because it is imperative that we reconsider and modify our true threats test, we should construct a complete and final test, not a partial one that leaves uncertainty that will serve only to complicate and protract litigation in future cases.

Finally, and perhaps most importantly, declining to resolve the legal question presented in full would ignore the real and precedential effect of our decisions. Although we are deciding a First Amendment issue that arose in a criminal case, the framework that we are called upon to update and revise will not be so confined. The Majority’s limited decision does not provide sufficient guidance to the next musician who seeks to express political views and wants to do so to the fullest extent protected by the First Amendment. It offers no framework for a school district faced with the possibility of punishing (and possibly expelling) a student who has created a tasteless website or made derogatory and potentially threatening comments on social media. It affords no paradigm for application to the teacher who is fired, the police officer who is suspended, or the municipal employee who is disciplined. The reach of today’s decision is far more expansive than criminal cases alone. Governmental bodies should know whether they can take punitive actions against students, employees, or officers if those individuals act with something less than specific intent. Similarly, individuals should not be subjected to termination, suspension, or extended desk duty only to find out years later than their

conduct was not prohibited by the First Amendment. The issue is more than ripe for disposition, and the reasons to reach it are compelling.

Following Black, federal appeals courts have split over whether the subjective intent of a speaker is a necessary component of an actual true threat. See United States v. Parr, 545 F.3d 491, 500 (7th Cir. 2008) (opining that, after Black, “whether the Court meant to retire the objective ‘reasonable person’ approach or to add a subjective intent requirement to the prevailing test for true threats is unclear”). Recent cases have attempted to parse the “type of intent needed by a defendant to communicate” a true threat for purposes of the various threat provisions in the United States Criminal Code2 in the wake of Black. See, e.g., United States v. Clemens, 738 F.3d 1, 2 (1st Cir. 2013).

The First, Second, Third, Fourth, Sixth, Seventh, and Eighth Circuits have determined that the Black Court did not impose a subjective intent requirement upon the analysis. Those Circuits eschew such an element, and instead apply an objective test focused upon either a hypothetical reasonable speaker or a hypothetical reasonable recipient/listener. See Clemens, 738 F.3d at 10 (assessing threats based upon “an objective defendant vantage point standard post-Black”); United States v. Davila, 461 F.3d 298, 305 (2d Cir. 2006) (“The test is an objective one—namely, whether an ordinary, reasonable recipient who is familiar with the context of the letter would interpret it as a threat of injury.”); United States v. Elonis, 730 F.3d 321, 331 n.7 (3d Cir. 2013), rev’d by Elonis v. United States, 135 S. Ct. 2001 (2015) (describing the Third Circuit test as asking “whether a reasonable speaker would foresee the statement would be understood as a threat”); United States v. White, 670 F.3d 498, 508 (4th Cir. 2012), abrogated by United States v. White, 810 F.3d 212 (4th Cir. 2016) (explaining that a statement constitutes a true threat “if an ordinary reasonable recipient who is familiar with the context . . . would

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