City of Atlanta v. Stokes

165 S.E. 270, 175 Ga. 201, 1932 Ga. LEXIS 224
CourtSupreme Court of Georgia
DecidedJuly 20, 1932
DocketNo. 8932
StatusPublished
Cited by19 cases

This text of 165 S.E. 270 (City of Atlanta v. Stokes) is published on Counsel Stack Legal Research, covering Supreme Court of Georgia primary law. Counsel Stack provides free access to over 12 million legal documents including statutes, case law, regulations, and constitutions.

Bluebook
City of Atlanta v. Stokes, 165 S.E. 270, 175 Ga. 201, 1932 Ga. LEXIS 224 (Ga. 1932).

Opinions

Russell, C. J.

(After stating the foregoing facts.) If the question proposed for solution in this case were whether the State alone is empowered to levy taxes upon the property of its citizens, it should of course be answered in the affirmative. But the general rule as to taxation, like every other general rule, is subject to exceptions. In a broad sense, Federal regulations as to direct taxation upon tangible property are not permissible. Except in well-defined instances, the power of levying direct taxation is a right reserved in express terms to 'all the commonwealths which as sovereign States compose this union. All the propositions so well stated in the opinion of the dissenting Justices, if confined simply to the ordinary rules governing taxation, may well be conceded. In the field of direct taxation the power of the sovereign State is supreme, except when the exercise of that supreme right brings it into collision with the operation of a government instrumentality necessary to the existence of the Federal government and the exercise of its powers upon a subject as to which exclusive jurisdiction was delegated to Congress in the constitution of 1789. In the previous utterance by this court upon the same subject now before us, in Rucker v. Merck, 172 Ga. 793 (159 S. E. 501), the decision of the majority of the court as then constituted was not based upon any power of taxation inherent in Congress; for it was not imagined that Congress, in the passage of § 9127-1/2-22 (U. S. Comp. St. 1925, 722), was attempting to impose a tax; but the court held, basing its decision upon the admitted and unlimited right of Congress to make war, that Congress had the supreme right to say (without let or hindrance of any kind from any quarter) upon what terms it would reward faithful service in time of war as an instrument for the continuance of like faithful service if the need of the future should demand. As we still see the question here involved, it is not one of taxation, but a question as to whether the Federal government has the right to determine, even to the minutest detail, what shall be the measures by which and the manner in which a war shall be begun, carried on, and concluded. To maintain the power [205]*205to wage war, it is as much essential to the morale of the troops of a government that those who face death upon the field of Mars should have the right to anticipate rewards in the future (especially if they have been victorious) as to expect that they will receive the monthly compensation for service, which' must be meager indeed in instances when their lives are actually exposed to danger. It seems strange, in view of the long line of decisions on this subject, that any one can suppose, even though the power of a State to tax generally is supreme, that that power may be used to hamper, hinder, annoy, harass, and impede the Federal government in the exercise of its unlimited power to carry on war. Certainly no State should complain of the terms upon which the Federal government rewards its soldiers, when the compensation, insurance, and maintenance and support allowance given them under the Federal statute with which we are now dealing is an acquisition and addition to the property of the State, which would never have existed but for the liberality of the Federal government in grateful recognition of the services of citizens of each and all the States. The exercise of this war power does not relieve from taxation anything except the compensation which is sent into the State as a reward to soldiers for their services. If it were an attempt of the Federal government to relieve from taxation (as seems to be argued in the dissenting opinion) a portion of the property in the State previously subject to taxation, the case would be altogether different.

But let us suppose the Federal government pays a veteran a thousand dollars, which before the gift had never been subject to taxation anywhere and had never been in Georgia to be taxable, is the State injured by the governmental policy ? The Federal power to make war is, in our opinion, long enough and strong enough to impose conditions which the Federal government may think proper in order to protect the Federal bounty from deduction by the power of the State to tax. But however this may be, the practical result has not been affected by a single cent; because, if the government had not made the gift which the defendant in error in this case invested in property in Atlanta, the value represented by this gift would not have been within the jurisdiction of the city or the State. It is supposable that Congress knew that its bounty, as expressed in the Federal legislation, if not paid to the veterans in the various States, could not be subject to taxation, because the property would [206]*206be non-existent, and that when Congress expressly declared that it “shall be exempt from all taxation,” it was very plain that practically no interference with the taxing power of the State was effected. We advert to this merely as illustrative of the fact that under § 9127-1/2-22, supra, there is in fact no interference with ■the power of the State to tax. However, under the provisions of art. 1, sec. 8, par. 11, of the constitution of the United States it is perfectly plain that the same result would ensue had Congress determined upon legislation promotive of the war which might have interfered with the State's power to tax.

Let us consider the facts of this case in the light of the argument that the State has power by taxation to diminish the reward which the Federal government wishes to give its soldiers. As “the right to tax is the right to destroy,” it follows that if a pensioner (moved by the desire to save something for a rainy day) were to retain in money funds paid to him by the Government in cash, without investing it, he would, in a few years, without having en- ■ joyed the use of his Federal aid, have expended a large portion if not all of it in taxes, though he never invested any of it and had no opportunity to make a profit or sustain a loss on the original fund. It is'very plain to me that when Congress said that benefits accruing under the provisions of the World War Veterans’ act should be “exempt from all taxation,” Congress had no thought of affecting the existing State-taxing acts, because the gift was of something which never had been subject to taxation, and of something- which, unless transmitted by the Federal government, would never be in the State; and that Congress, under, its constitutional power to make war, certainly would have the right to say that “unless we give these benefits upon the condition that they are to be tax-free, we shall not give them at all.” I contend that under the constitution Congress has the sovereign right to say just that thing. The very splendid argument of my colleague, Mr. Justice Gilbert, in support of State sovereignly, meets my highest approbation. The power under which § 9127-1/2-22 was passed was one which was incorporated in the original constitution, art. 1, sec. 8, par. II. It has never been questioned by even the most ardent States-rights men. In the exercise of the necessary instrumentalities for the functions of government, every State, every year, by grants to the Federal government of lands for various purposes, [207]*207withdraws property from the tax list of the State where it is situated.

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Bluebook (online)
165 S.E. 270, 175 Ga. 201, 1932 Ga. LEXIS 224, Counsel Stack Legal Research, https://law.counselstack.com/opinion/city-of-atlanta-v-stokes-ga-1932.