United States v. Melvin J. Reynolds

189 F.3d 521, 1999 WL 667205
CourtCourt of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit
DecidedSeptember 30, 1999
Docket97-2933
StatusPublished
Cited by54 cases

This text of 189 F.3d 521 (United States v. Melvin J. Reynolds) is published on Counsel Stack Legal Research, covering Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit primary law. Counsel Stack provides free access to over 12 million legal documents including statutes, case law, regulations, and constitutions.

Bluebook
United States v. Melvin J. Reynolds, 189 F.3d 521, 1999 WL 667205 (7th Cir. 1999).

Opinion

MANION, Circuit Judge.

Former Congressman Melvin C. Reynolds was born into a poor family-in Mississippi, moved to Chicago when he was nine years old, went on to attend Yale University, graduated from the University of lili- *523 nois, and won a Rhodes Scholarship to attend the University of Oxford. Later on he received a degree from Harvard. Reynolds also ran for and was eventually elected to Congress. During his campaigns in 1988, 1990, and 1992, Reynolds solicited illegal campaign contributions and violated various federal election laws. After he was elected, Reynolds initiated a fraudulent real estate transaction and obtained personal loans from banks through fraudulent misrepresentations. During the same period, Reynolds began having sex with an underage campaign worker. Eventually, Illinois successfully prosecuted Reynolds for criminal sexual abuse, obstruction of justice and solicitation of child pornography. Subsequently, a federal grand jury indicted Reynolds for bank fraud and federal election law violations, and for obstruction of justice in connection with these crimes. A jury convicted Reynolds on 15 of the 16 counts in the federal indictment and the district court sentenced him to a 78-month prison term, and five years supervised release. Reynolds now appeals his federal convictions and sentence.

I.

Reynolds’ election fraud involved a scheme to launder money donated to his campaign from a union. Under federal election law, a labor union may not contribute funds to a federal candidate. 2 U.S.C. § 441b. Unions are free, however, to set up political action committees (“PACs”) for the purpose of contributing funds to candidates. But federal candidates may only accept union PAC money if the PAC is funded exclusively with voluntary donations from union members. See Pipefitters Local Union No. 562 v. United States, 407 U.S. 385, 92 S.Ct. 2247, 33 L.Ed.2d 11 (1972). Union PACs funded with mandatory dues are prohibited from contributing to a federal campaign.

Reynolds devised a plan to circumvent this law. He set up and controlled the 9th Ward Independent Democratic Organization (“WIDO”), the 17th WIDO, and the 21st WIDO. Reynolds then solicited the Hotel Employees and Restaurant Employees International Union ("HEREIU”) and its PAC funded by mandatory union dues to contribute money to these Ward Organizations. HEREIU contributed $85,000 of mandatory dues to the Ward Organizations through this PAC. Reynolds then used the $85,000 to fund his congressional campaigns, without disclosing to the Federal Election Commission that these funds originated from a union.

Reynolds accomplished these money transfers through the use of employees who acted as front people for these so-called ward organizations. For example, Joseph Barton was a part-time congressional employee on Reynolds’ staff in Chicago when Reynolds approached him and asked him to set up a PAC. Barton and Reynolds agreed that the name should be “17th Ward Independent Democratic Organization.” Reynolds directed Barton to list another person, Willie Tines, as president of the 17th WIDO. Tines had no knowledge of this, and when he discovered that he had been listed as president of this organization, he demanded that he be removed. At Reynolds’ behest, Barton set up a bank account for the 17th WIDO, and Reynolds began giving checks from the HEREIU to Barton to be deposited. All the money put into this PAC, over $50,000, was from the hotel union, except for a check for $5000 which came from Reynolds’ own funds. Barton estimated that about 80 percent of the money paid into his PAC then was spent on Reynolds’ campaign expenses. These expenses included setting up a phone bank, putting up campaign posters and advertising. Moreover, Reynolds directed Barton to wire money to employees of the campaign, and also to Reynolds himself. Barton also drew substantial cash from the PAC account which went- to pay campaign expenses. Furthermore, Barton testified that all of this was done at Reynolds’ direction.

*524 James Matz testified that he fulfilled a similar role with respect to the 9th WIDO. He deposited checks from HEREIU, and then used those funds for Reynolds’ campaign purposes. He also testified that Reynolds forged his signature on several checks drawn on the 9th WIDO bank accounts. Similarly, Tines testified that he cashed a check from the HEREIU made payable to the 21st WIDO and delivered the proceeds from the check to Reynolds.

The bank fraud took place after Reynolds was elected to Congress in 1992. Reynolds sought a home mortgage from various federally insured banks, including Riverdale Bank, Ashland Bank, Beverly Bank, and Countrywide Funding, in the amount of $279,000. In applying for these loans, Reynolds misrepresented his financial condition. Reynolds’ application to Riverdale Bank listed debts in the amount of $73,500; however, at the time, Reynolds owed $284,397. The day after Reynolds represented to Riverdale that he had $73,-500 in debts, he represented to the Beverly Bank that he had $96,000 in debts, still far short of his actual debt. Almost three weeks later, Reynolds represented to Countrywide Funding that his liabilities were $53,500, although at the time they were in fact $304,390. Countrywide preliminarily approved a mortgage loan for Reynolds and asked him to complete an application form, wherein Reynolds listed his liabilities as $59,922, when in fact they were $325,319.

Reynolds also misrepresented the source of his downpayment. He certified to Countrywide that no part of the down-payment on the house had been borrowed. 1 In fact, the source of the downpayment was funds loaned to Reynolds by campaign workers, and also funds from the 17th WIDO. In connection with these loan applications, Reynolds also forged documents misrepresenting his wife’s employment, and the campaign’s finances.

On appeal, Reynolds contends that the district court did not require the government to prove the “materiality” of Reynolds’ representations relating to bank fraud. He also argues that a jury instruction misstated from whom a federal candidate may receive campaign donations. Additionally, Reynolds raises several arguments regarding the district court’s handling of some pretrial motions and of the trial itself. Finally, Reynolds argues that the district court erred in finding that Reynolds led an organization of five or more participants in his conspiracy. None of these arguments have merit, and we affirm Reynolds’ conviction and sentence.

II.

A. Materiality

Count One of the Indictment charged Reynolds with implementing a scheme to defraud four banks by obtaining loans under false and fraudulent pretenses. 18 U.S.C. § 1344. Reynolds asserts that the government must prove that the representations made by Reynolds were material, or in other words, had “a natural tendency to influence, or being capable of influencing, the decision of the decision making body to which it was addressed.” United States v. Pribble,

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Bluebook (online)
189 F.3d 521, 1999 WL 667205, Counsel Stack Legal Research, https://law.counselstack.com/opinion/united-states-v-melvin-j-reynolds-ca7-1999.