United States v. Green

346 F. Supp. 2d 259, 2004 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 11292, 2004 WL 1381101
CourtDistrict Court, D. Massachusetts
DecidedJune 18, 2004
DocketCR. A. 02-10054-WGY, CR.A. 01-10469-WGY, CR.A. 99-10066-WGY
StatusPublished
Cited by42 cases

This text of 346 F. Supp. 2d 259 (United States v. Green) is published on Counsel Stack Legal Research, covering District Court, D. Massachusetts primary law. Counsel Stack provides free access to over 12 million legal documents including statutes, case law, regulations, and constitutions.

Bluebook
United States v. Green, 346 F. Supp. 2d 259, 2004 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 11292, 2004 WL 1381101 (D. Mass. 2004).

Opinion

SENTENCING MEMORANDA

YOUNG, Chief Judge.

Power tends to corrupt and absolute power corrupts absolutely.

Lord Acton 3

If you put all the powers to prosecute, try, and execute a sentence in one person’s hands, that is the absolute antithesis of the checks and balances in the system of government that we have.

Lt. Cmdr. Charles Swift, U.S. Navy 4

INTRODUCTION

Here’s a not-so-hypothetical conversation between an eager and enthusiastic district judge and an experienced and reflective circuit judge.

District Judge: What would you think of a system that afforded those accused of crimes scrupulously fair trials over which wholly independent judges preside, but which turns those convicted over to the prosecutors for such punishment as they may determine?
Circuit Judge: Utterly unfair, of course. That would be even more “sinister” than the nightmare hypothetical regime that Justice Scalia described in Monge v. California. 5
District Judge: Well, isn’t this the system we have today under the so-called “guidelines”?
*264 Circuit Judge: Not at all. As we’ve been at pains to point out to you and your colleagues, the Sentencing Guidelines — while intricate — control federal sentencing and must be obeyed.
District Judge: I accept that. I have to. But what about the government?
Circuit Judge: Naturally they have to obey the guidelines.
District Judge: [Persisting] And if they don’t?
Circuit Judge: No, no, that way lies the Serbonian Bog. If the government can manipulate the guidelines to suit themselves, a defendant’s constitutional guarantees wouldn’t be worth much.
District Judge: Precisely.

That’s hypothetical. These sentencing memoranda deal with five criminals. Three insisted on their constitutionally guaranteed trial by jury. The two others pled guilty and cooperated. The most evil and violent is a gang leader who had much information to give. The least, a woman, had little to give but went on courageously to finger a major drug lord. This is reality.

Richard Green is a retail drug dealer preying on the inhabitants of one of Boston’s public housing projects. On two occasions he sold small quantities of crack cocaine (0.6 grams and 2.4 grams respectively) to an undercover informant. The government seeks to imprison him for 24 years.

William Olivero is a New York worker for a massive drug conspiracy whose kingpin (and major drug activity) are located in Massachusetts. Though not himself a dealer, Olivero has, on occasion, delivered kilogram quantities of cocaine and associated drug money for the kingpin. Olivero possesses a handgun. The kingpin has been sentenced to life imprisonment for his offenses. The government seeks to imprison Olivero for twenty-four to thirty years.

Jason Pacheco is a marijuana dealer who knew the kingpin, who on occasion purchased kilogram quantities of cocaine from the kingpin for his own account, and who once accommodated the kingpin by allowing his garage to be used for the brief storage and transshipment of a multi-kilo-gram quantity of cocaine. The government seeks to imprison him for twelve to fifteen years.

Edward K. Mills is a multiple murderer who led a vicious street gang. Eventually apprehended, he recognized the jig was up and cooperated with authorities. A gang leader himself, he had much information to give and his disclosures have led to the conviction of another murderer and the freeing of an individual wrongfully convicted of murder. The government seeks to imprison him for ten years.

“Jane Doe,” a pseudonym, is a young, single mother. A drug addict, she dealt cocaine to support her habit. Eventually apprehended, she too cooperated and testified in open court so that the government might secure the conviction of an important drug lord from her homeland. In light of her cooperation, the government recommends a short sentence. As an alien, however, the government proposes to deport her back to her homeland where, the government admits, she will almost certainly be killed, perhaps after torture.

To achieve its ends, the government routinely imposes a stiff penalty upon defendants who exercise their constitutional right to trial by jury. In the first of the *265 instant eases, the government’s attempts to burden a citizen’s right to a jury of his peers exceeds all constitutional bounds. The second case involves repeated instances of illegal fact bargaining. The third involves enforcement of a bargain with a cold-blooded killer that the Court characterized as evincing “a moral code more suited to the alleys of Baghdad than the streets of Boston,” and the fourth reveals such callous indifference to innocent human life as would gag any fair minded observer. And this Court — stripped of any meaningful role in the sentencing of offenders who come before it — can do little more than explain what’s going on. That, at least, I will do.

PART ONE: STRAIGHT TALK ON FEDERAL SENTENCING

I. Federal Sentencing Policy — The Statutory Framework

A. The Department of Justice Is Addicted to Plea Bargaining

This is the essential key to an understanding of federal sentencing policy today — the Department is so addicted to plea bargaining to leverage its law enforcement resources to an overwhelming conviction rate that the focus of our entire criminal justice system has shifted far away from trials and juries and adjudication to a massive system of sentence bargaining that is heavily rigged against the accused citizen. 6 Figure 1 says it all. 7

*266 [[Image here]]

Moreover, “[i]f incarceration rates remain unchanged, 6.6% of U.S. residents born in 2001 will go to prison at some time during their lifetime,” 8 a disproportionate number *267 of these inmates being African American or Hispanic American. 9 Simply to process the enormous number of convicts or soon-to-be convicts, the Department depends on plea bargaining as its life’s blood. Its budget planning reflects the number of indictments on average each additional assistant United States Attorney will produce, and its resources are deployed accordingly. Today, the Department’s entire efforts at law enforcement depend on plea bargaining as never before.

Plea bargaining is nothing new, of course. As Professor George Fisher has trenchantly observed:

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Bluebook (online)
346 F. Supp. 2d 259, 2004 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 11292, 2004 WL 1381101, Counsel Stack Legal Research, https://law.counselstack.com/opinion/united-states-v-green-mad-2004.