United States v. Dwight L. Chapin

515 F.2d 1274, 169 U.S. App. D.C. 303, 1975 U.S. App. LEXIS 13726
CourtCourt of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit
DecidedJuly 14, 1975
Docket74-1648
StatusPublished
Cited by83 cases

This text of 515 F.2d 1274 (United States v. Dwight L. Chapin) is published on Counsel Stack Legal Research, covering Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit primary law. Counsel Stack provides free access to over 12 million legal documents including statutes, case law, regulations, and constitutions.

Bluebook
United States v. Dwight L. Chapin, 515 F.2d 1274, 169 U.S. App. D.C. 303, 1975 U.S. App. LEXIS 13726 (D.C. Cir. 1975).

Opinion

Opinion for the Court filed by Judge DAVIS.

*1277 DAVIS, Judge:

Following a jury trial, appellant Dwight L. Chapin was convicted of two counts of making “false material declarations”, 18 U.S.C. § 1623 (1970), before the grand jury investigating “dirty tricks” engaged in by Donald Segretti on behalf of President Nixon during the 1972 Presidential campaign. Specifically, appellant was convicted of falsely stating that he was not “familiar with” any distribution of campaign literature by Segretti, and that he did not recall “expressing] any interest ... or giv[ing Segretti] any directions or instructions with respect to any single or particular candidate.” 1 The Government’s contention, which the jury accepted, was that appellant did in fact know of distributions of literature by Segretti, was aware of this knowledge when he testified before the grand jury, and yet falsely responded that he was not familiar with any such distribution. On the second count on which appellant was convicted, the prosecution theory was that Chapin had given Segretti specific instructions about Senator Edmund Muskie, that Chapin understood the question to refer to such instructions, and remembered at the time of his grand jury appearance having given such instructions. On appeal, appellant claims that the “distribution” question was vague, and that he answered it truthfully because he was not in fact familiar with any “personal distribution” by Segretti, in the sense of passing out literature on street corners. Chapin also asserts that the second question was compound and therefore improper and likewise vague, and that again he answered truthfully in that he never gave directions about one candidate to the exclusion of all others. Appellant also claims error in the trial court’s admission of certain evidence and that court’s failure to grant a change of venue or to conduct a thorough enough voir dire. 2

I.

Chapin was Appointments Secretary to President Nixon from the start of the President’s term in January 1969 until March 1973. While his duties in that position were largely administrative, he also participated in political activities, particularly during the President’s 1970 campaign for Congressional candidates. In 1971, Chapin conceived the idea of hiring someone to play “political pranks” on the various contenders for the Democratic Presidential nomination for 1972, with the aim of creating so much dissension among the candidates that they would not be able to unite effectively behind the party’s nominee after the convention. The proposal received the approval of White House Chief of Staff H. R. Haldeman, who insisted however that no such activities be traceable back to the White House. Armed with Halde-man’s approval, in the summer of 1971 Chapin hired Donald Segretti, a college friend just leaving the Army Judge Advocate Corps, for this job. Chapin instructed Segretti about the types of activities he was to engage in, using examples of having a train pull out of the station while a candidate was still talking and distributing false baggage calls, and warned him to do as little as possible himself and to use false names so as not to have his work attributable to the White House.

During the last part of 1971 and the first half of 1972, Segretti engaged in such disruptive activities as printing and distributing large posters saying “Help Muskie Support Bussing (sic) More Children Now,” supposedly distributed by *1278 the Mothers Backing Muskie Committee; writing a letter on Citizens for Muskie stationery accusing Senator Jackson of being a homosexual and Senator Humphrey of cavorting with prostitutes at the expense of lobbyists; and putting out a “Humphrey” press release stating that Representative Shirley Chisholm had been committed to a mental institution in the early 1950’s after being detained in Richmond, Virginia as a transvestite and that she was still under psychiatric care. While it is undenied that Chapin had nothing to do with the exact “pranks” to be played and saw none of the items mentioned above before- Seg-retti used them, it is also clear that the latter regularly sent copies of his output to Chapin at home and that Chapin was aware of at least these documents shortly after they were used.

After the burglary at the Democratic National Committee headquarters in the Watergate office building was discovered on June 17, 1972, Chapin immediately instructed Segretti to cease his activities and to “get lost.” The Segretti-Chapin project had been conducted solely out of the White House and not from the Committee to Reelect the President, the home base of the “Watergate” burglars. However, Segretti’s activities had induced G. Gordon Liddy, one of those arrested in connection with the Watergate break-in, to check him out, and as a result Liddy’s address book contained Seg-retti’s name. In late June, Segretti was interviewed by the FBI. On the advice of John Dean, Counsel to the President, Segretti discussed generally what he had been doing but did not disclose that Cha-pin had hired him. In August 1972, Seg-retti was called before the Watergate grand jury. As with the FBI interview, on Dean’s advice he attempted to avoid naming Chapin as his employer. However, in response to a question by a jur- or, Segretti admitted that he had been retained by Chapin. Chapin was concerned about his possible legal liability for Segretti’s activities and consulted with Dean who thought Chapin’s only “problem” would be with the federal campaign act provisions on attribution of campaign literature. Newspaper reports of Chapin’s connection with Segretti were published beginning October 10, 1972, but were denied by the White House. Segretti was indicted in May 1973 for distributing the Jackson-Humphrey “sex letter” without proper attribution.

Between August 1972 and February 1973, Chapin was himself interviewed three times by the FBI concerning his relationship with Segretti. According to the testimony of the agent who saw him, Chapin admitted knowledge of some of Segretti’s more minor “antics”, but denied ever receiving any of the latter’s documents and denied knowing, before the FBI began its investigation of Seg-retti, that Segretti had published false information about various candidates. Chapin testified at the trial that his denials were in fact false, but that he had been less than truthful because he was concerned, particularly at the time of the February meeting, that FBI interviews were being leaked to the press.

In April 1973, John Dean began talking to the Watergate prosecutors about the burglary-itself and attempts to cover up both that episode and some earlier activities on behalf of the President. On April 11, 1973, Chapin appeared before the grand jury investigating campaign law violations. Questioning centered around Segretti’s activities, the role of people in the White House in sponsoring and approving what Segretti had done, and how Segretti was paid and by whom. Chapin testified that he had gone into the grand jury intending to keep secret the fact that Haldeman had approved the plan, but denied any intent to limit his testimony on any other aspect of the inquiry. Under prodding, Chapin did eventually reveal Haldeman’s role. However, appellant stands convicted of falsely answering questions in two other areas.

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Bluebook (online)
515 F.2d 1274, 169 U.S. App. D.C. 303, 1975 U.S. App. LEXIS 13726, Counsel Stack Legal Research, https://law.counselstack.com/opinion/united-states-v-dwight-l-chapin-cadc-1975.