OPINION
BRYNER, Justice.
I,. INTRODUCTION
The state appeals a summary judgment order declaring void, as contrary to the Alaska Constitution's equal protection guarantee, a statute requiring minors to obtain parental consent or judicial authorization before obtaining an abortion. We affirm the superior court's decision on preliminary issues-whether plaintiffs have standing, whether they may properly claim that the statute is unconstitutional on its face, whether the Alaska Constitution's guarantee of privacy is self executing, and whether that guarantee extends to minors-but conclude that the court erred in declining to hear evidence on and to decide the central questions whether the state has a compelling interest in enfore-ing the parental consent statute and whether the statute is properly tailored to promote the state's interest. We thus reverse the summary judgment order and remand for an evidentiary hearing.
II., FACTS AND PROCEEDINGS
In 1997 the Alaska Legislature passed S.B. 24, an act that prohibits doctors from performing abortions on unemancipated women under seventeen years of age without parental consent or judicial authorization 1 and that subjects doctors to criminal penalties for knowingly performing abortions on minors without the required consent or authorization.2 The act's consent requirement can be met by written consent from a parent or guardian or by a court order bypassing consent.3 To obtain a judicial bypass order, a [33]*33minor must file a complaint in superior court and establish by clear and convincing evidence either that she is "sufficiently mature and well enough informed to decide intelligently whether to have an abortion without the consent of a parent, guardian, or custodian" or that parental consent would not be in her best interests.4 The superior court must appoint counsel for minors who are unrepresented,5 and judicial bypass proceedings are confidential.6 If the court fails to hear a complaint within five days after filing, the court's inaction constructively authorizes the minor to consent for herself.7
Soon after the legislature enacted this parental consent or judicial authorization requirement, Planned Parenthood of Alaska and Drs. Jan Whitefield and Robert Klem filed an action in superior court, claiming that the act is void because it violates the Alaska Constitution's guarantees of privacy, equal protection, freedom from discrimination based on sex, and due process. They later moved for summary judgment. The superior court granted their motion, concluding that the act violates equal protection by requiring consent or judicial authorization for pregnant minors who choose abortion, but not for those who choose to give birth.
Before reaching the equal protection issue, however, the court addressed the issue of a minor's right to privacy. Relying on the Alaska Constitution's express guarantee of privacy,8 this court's case law interpreting that right, and relevant cases from states interpreting similar constitutional provisions, the superior court determined that privacy is a fundamental individual right, that this right encompasses a pregnant woman's reproductive choices, and that it applies to minors and adults co-extensively, regardless of age. While recognizing obvious distinctions between a minor's and an adult's capacity to make mature reproductive choices, the court reasoned that such differences do not dilute the fundamental quality of a minor's constitutional right to privacy, but relate instead to the state's countervailing interest in controlling the cireumstances under which minors can exercise their privacy right without supervision.
Having determined that the Alaska Constitution's privacy clause protects minors and adults alike, the superior court decided that the act requiring parental consent or judicial authorization could withstand constitutional serutiny on privacy grounds only if the state established that it had a compelling interest in requiring consent and that no less restrictive means of achieving that interest existed. The court seems to have recognized that ruling summarily on these points might be problematic, noting that "it would be necessary to examine the legislative statements of purpose and findings of fact as well as to reach findings of fact based upon the evidence produced in this matter."
But the court found no need to resolve these issues, ruling instead that plaintiffs were entitled to summary judgment on an alternative constitutional ground. Without deciding whether the state had a compelling interest in requiring pregnant minors to obtain parental consent or judicial authorization to obtain an abortion, the court concluded that the act violated the Alaska Constitution's equal protection clause because none of the act's stated purposes and supporting findings established a compelling state interest in applying the consent or authorization requirement to pregnant minors who choose to have abortions, but not to those who choose to give birth.
The state appeals.
[34]*34III. DISCUSSION
A. Standard of Review
We will affirm a grant of summary judgment only when, construing all disputed inferences of fact in favor of the non-moving party, we find that there are no genuine issues of material fact and the moving party is entitled to judgment as a matter of law.9 In deciding questions of law, "Tolur duty is to adopt the rule of law that is most persuasive in light of precedent, reason, and policy." 10
B. Standing
The state contends that Planned Parenthood and Drs. Whitefield and Klem lack standing to pursue this action. But we have long interpreted Alaska's standing requirement leniently in order to facilitate access to the courts.11 "The basic idea ... is that an identifiable trifle is enough for standing to fight out a question of principle.12 Here, Planned Parenthood of Alaska has a strong and direct interest in the challenged statute; 13 the injuries it alleges are more than trifling; and no one disputes that its claims raise important questions of principle. Moreover, in other Alaska abortion litigation against Planned Parenthood of Alaska, the state has failed to question the organization's standing to challenge abortion legislation.14 We find no sound reason to deny Planned Parenthood standing here.
Drs. Whitefield and Klem also have a direct interest in the disputed statute: both physicians allege that they regularly provide abortion services to women in Alaska, including minors. The state nonetheless contends that both doctors lack standing because neither faces a specific threat of prosecution or alleges past prosecutions. But the doctors need not allege such drastic harm to meet Alaska's lenient test of standing. The parental consent or judicial authorization act would require both doctors to change their current practices and would expose them to civil and criminal lability if they failed to comply;15 this suffices to establish more than a trifling or speculative injury. Moreover, Drs. Whitefield and Klem derive standing from their patients. That physicians have standing to challenge abortion laws on behalf of prospective patients seems universally settled; indeed, the United States Supreme Court has emphasized that physicians are "uniquely qualified" to litigate the constitutionality of state action interfering with a woman's decision to terminate a pregnancy.16
Accordingly, we conclude that Planned Parenthood and Drs. Whitefield and Klem have standing to challenge the parental consent act's requirements.
C. Facial Challenge
The state next asserts that plaintiffs' facial constitutional challenge must fail because they have failed to show that the parental consent or judicial authorization requirement could have no constitutional applications. In advancing this assertion, the state relies on Javed v. State, Depart[35]*35ment of Public Safety,17 where we quoted the Supreme Court's decision in United States v. Salerno18 for the proposition that "lal statute is facially unconstitutional if 'no set of circumstances exists under which the Act would be valid.'19 But we did not invoke the Salerno rule in Javed as a justification for avoiding constitutional review; instead, we relied on the rule for the distinctly narrower purpose of severing a limited portion of a statute, which we found unconstitutional, from the balance of the statute, which we found valid.20
And in any event, Salerno's "no set of circumstances" language is not a rigid requirement.21 In reviewing challenges to abortion-related statutes, the United States Supreme Court has shown considerable flexibility in allowing litigants to raise claims alleging facial invalidity. For example, in Planned Parenthood of Southeastern Pennsylvania v. Casey,22 the Court invalidated a spousal notification statute even though statistics suggested that ninety-five percent of women seeking abortions would notify their husbands regardless of the requirement.23 In eschewing a rigid application of Salerno, the Court explained: "The proper focus of constitutional inquiry is the group for whom the law is a restriction, not the group for whom the law is irrelevant." 24 Applying Casey's reasoning here, we conclude that Saler-mo poses no bar to plaintiffs' facial challenge of Alaska's parental consent or judicial authorization requirement.
D. Right to Privacy
1. Legislative implementation of Alaska's right to privacy
Article I, section 22 of the Alaska Constitution provides, "The right of the people to privacy is recognized and shall not be infringed. The legislature shall implement this section." Focusing on the second sentence of this provision, the state contends that the right to privacy is not self executing and can be given effect only through legislation. The state recognizes that its proposed reading of article I, section 22, conflicts with our recent decision in Valley Hospital Association, Inc. v. Mat-Su Coalition for Choice,25 but the state urges us to overrule Valley Hospital.
But accepting the state's argument would require us to do much more than overrule Valley Hospital. Soon after article I, section [36]*3622 was added to our constitution in 1972, we recognized that it protected Alaska citizens' "basic right to privacy in their homes." 26 Since then, apart from applying the privacy clause in Valley Hospital to a woman's right to abort a pregnancy, we have extended the clause's protection "to commercial or business premises"; 27 we have repeatedly ruled that it broadens the constitutional right against unreasonable searches and seizures 28 and amplifies the privilege against self incrimination; 29 we have held that it bars the state from surreptitiously recording conversations under certain circumstances;30 we have concluded that it safeguards private medical records,31 limits the permissible scope of public disclosure requirements,32 and protects communications involving "sensitive personal information" 33 or " 'a person's more intimate concerns'"; 34 and we have invoked it as a basis for formulating broad standards to shield the privacy interests of state employees and private citizens.35
The state would thus have us nullify almost three decades of case law enforcing Alaska's constitutional guarantee of privacy. For the state reads this constitutional language, now almost thirty years old, as having virtually no meaning yet; and in the state's view, the judiciary is hamstrung from making anything of it. To adopt this position would necessarily reduce the privacy clause from a basic guarantee of personal freedom to a mere legislative option-a possible protection that each legislature would be free to adopt, alter, or even abrogate.
The state bases its proposed interpretation on a point of legislative history that arose obliquely in Valley Hospital.36 The privacy clause originated in 1972 as Senate Joint Resolution No. 68.37 As amended by the Senate and transmitted to the House, SJR 68 read:
SECTION 22. RIGHT OF PRIVACY. The right of the people to privacy is recognized and shall not be violated. The legislature shall provide for the prosecution and punishment of public officials and private parties who act in violation of this section, and shall provide civil remedies to supplement common law remedies to redress and prevent such violations. The legislature shall provide for the protection and security of information available to the State to the extent necessary to protect the rights of the individual recognized in this section and shall further provide for the protection and security of information gathered under this section by the State.38
According to the minutes of the House Judiciary Committee, during a committee hearing on this provision
[committee chairman Moran] wondered about the phrase "shall not be violated." What really is the right to privacy? This needs to be defined. [Representative] [37]*37Barber moved to delete [the] phrase.... Moran said that he would like to see the people have the right to privacy but would like it phrased like other sections of the constitution. [Representative] Banfield moved to delete the second sentence. There was no objection. Art [Peterson, committee counsel,] said we could say "shall implement this section" or "shall provide for the implementation of this seetion" and leave out the details. This would be stating principles generally ... which allows for easier administration. Barber felt that we were leaving out the penalty section. Moran said this would be covered in the "implementation." [Representative] Rose agreed that leaving the entire first sentence with the broad general language of the second sentence providing for legislative implementation would be entirely adequate. -It was decided to change "violate" to "infringe." 39
After holding this discussion, the committee decided to prepare a committee substitute,40 which was passed by the House and ultimately became article I, section 22.41
In Valley Hospital, we considered these committee minutes in connection with Valley Hospital's argument that article I, section 22, was originally meant to extend only to "informational" privacy.42 We described the minutes as irrelevant on that issue, characterizing them as "largely a debate of grammar and style." 43 But the state now offers the minutes for a new proposition: it argues that the minutes establish that article I, seetion 22, is not a self-executing provision. Although we agree that the minutes are relevant on the issue, we believe that they undermine the state's argument against self execution.
For in our view, the minutes reflect that, because it was unable to agree on a comprehensive definition of privacy, the House Judi-ciliary Committee simply opted to "leave out the details," deciding instead to treat the new constitutional provision "lke other sections of the constitution " by "stating [its] principles generally." This course of action, the committee believed, would ensure that "the people have the right to privacy," while at the same time providing for "easier administration" through legislative "implementation" of the omitted procedural details-details such as Representative Barber's suggested penalty section.44
When understood in this way, the constitution's mandate for implementation does not make legislative approval or execution necessary for the privacy clause's core guarantee to take root and have meaning; instead, the mandate simply signals the need for legislative guidance in the provision's administration and application.
Indeed, we recognized as much in Luedtke v. Nabors Alaska Drilling, Inc.,45 where we were urged to extend the privacy clause's requirements to private action.46 Addressing this argument, we
observe[d] initially that [article I, section 22], powerful as a constitutional statement of citizens' rights, contains no guidelines for its application. Nor does it appear that. the legislature has exercised its power to apply the provision; the parties did not bring to our attention any statutes which "implement this section." [47]
Yet we went on to take note of "traditional constitutional analysis holding that the constitution serves as a check on the power of government: 'That all lawful power derives from the people and must be held in check to preserve their freedom is the oldest and most central tenet of American constitutionalism'"[38]*3848 And after reviewing Alaska case law, we concluded: "[The primary purpose of these constitutional provisions is the protection of 'personal privacy and dignity against unwarranted intrusions by the State."" 49 We therefore declined to extend article I, section 22's prohibitions to actions by private persons, holding that, in the absence of legislative history or an express proscription of private action, the clause must be limited to serving its core purpose as a "restraining force against the abuse of governmental power." 50
By refusing to extend the privacy clause beyond its core purpose of restraining governmental power, Luedike necessarily recognized article I, section 22, to be fully effective as a restraint on governmental action, without legislative implementation.51
Moreover, our decision in Luedike finds added support in an earlier decision construing a constitutional provision with implementation language identical to the language of article I, section 22. Article I, section 3, of the Alaska Constitution states that "[nlo person is to be denied the enjoyment of any civil or political right because of race, color, creed, sex, or national origin." It further provides, as does the privacy clause, that "[tJhe legislature shall implement this section." In United States Jaycees v. Richardet,52 we declined to extend article I, section 83's substantive proscriptions to private action, declaring the provision to be effective only as a restraint on state action.53 But in recognizing that this provision constrained state action, we found no need to search for legislative implementation.54 Like Lueditke, Richardet recognized that, despite language providing for legislative implementation, a provision of the Alaska Constitution that grants a personal right directly to Alaska's people is self executing with respect to its core constitutional purpose.55
In summary, then, the legislative history of our privacy clause and three decades of cases interpreting the provision firmly establish that its basic guarantee-the people's right to privacy from unwarranted governmental intrusion-became fully effective upon the provision's adoption, without need for further implementation. With or without legislative action, this guarantee has the usual attributes of a constitutional provision: its broad contours and particular applications fall with[39]*39in the judiciary's province and are subject to definition, interpretation, and refinement through the traditional course of adjudication, case by case.
2. The rights of minors to privacy
Citing federal decisions upholding parental consent statutes under the United States Constitution 56 and Alaska cases upholding the state's broad authority to protect children from harm,57 the state argues that even if the Alaska Constitution creates a self-executing right to reproductive privacy, that right should not extend to minors.
The superior court approached this issue from a somewhat different perspective, ruling that the Alaska Constitution gives pregnant minors the same basic right to reproductive privacy that it gives pregnant adults. The court certainly recognized that minors need to be protected from immature actions and that the state has an interest in ensuring this protection. It nonetheless reasoned that these considerations bear less on the existence and quality of a minor's right to privacy than they do on the legitimacy and scope of the state's competing interest in restrict, ing minors from exercising that right without the consent of their parents.
Although the state sharply criticizes it, the superior court's approach has much in common with the approach favored by the state; and to the extent that the two approaches differ, the court's more faithfully reflects the Alaska Constitution's language and values.
The state's approach posits a constitutional privacy right that is limited to adults and does not extend to minors, whereas the superior court's approach posits a right that extends fully to all Alaskans but can be limited for compelling reasons. Assuming that the state has a compelling interest in requiring minors to obtain parental consent or judicial authorization-as the state insists it does-both approaches would achieve the same result. They would differ only if the state lacked a compelling interest to require parental consent or judicial authorization. In that event, because the state acknowledges no right of privacy extending to minors, its approach implies that the state would be free to restrict privacy for non-compelling reasons or, potentially, for no reason at all. By contrast, under the superior court's approach, because the privacy right extends to all Alaskans, the state would be barred from restricting a minor's privacy unless it had a compelling reason to do so.
Precedent, reason, and policy recommend the superior court's approach. Our decisions have noted the "established premise that children are possessed of fundamental rights under the Alaska constitution." 58 In Breese v. Smith, for example, we held that students attending public schools have "a constitutional right to wear their hair in accordance with their personal tastes." 59 Although Breese dealt with the Alaska Constitution's guarantee of liberty 60 rather than its privacy clause, which had yet to be ratified, our opinion recognized children to be people having personal rights and went on to inquire whether the state had sufficient reason to restrict those rights.61 Since deciding Breese, we have taken the same approach in cases upholding state action that restricted the privacy of minors: "While ... juveniles have certain rights to privacy and to express their own autonomy, we have recognized that the [40]*40State's interest in the well-being of its children 'may justify legislation that could not properly be applied to adults." " 62
Notably, supreme courts in three other states whose constitutions explicitly guarantee privacy-New Jersey, California, and Florida-have followed the same approach in considering constitutional challenges to statutes requiring parental consent or judicial authorization to obtain an abortion. These courts have read their state constitutions to give minors the same fundamental right to reproductive privacy as adults and have then inquired whether the government had compelling reason to restrict minors' privacy rights.63
The state asks us to distinguish these cases, noting that Florida's constitution guarantees privacy to "every natural person" 64 and California's to "(alll people," 65 whereas Alaska's constitution simply extends the right to "the people.66 ° But the state offers no basis for interpreting our constitution's guarantee of privacy to "the people" as a grant only to "some people," or only to "people seventeen years of age or older." 67 And absent textual or contextual indications of a restricted meaning, we see no reason to find our constitution's grant of privacy to "the people" narrower than California's grant of privacy to "[alll people."
Nor does the subject matter at issue here-the privacy rights of minors with respect to reproductive choice-afford any basis for restricting the manner in which our constitution attaches to different classes of "people." The "uniquely personal" physical, psychological, and economic implications of the abortion decision that we described in Valley Hospital68 are in no way peculiar to adult women. Deciding whether to terminate a pregnancy is at least as difficult, and the consequences of such decisions are at least as profound, for minors as for adults:
[TJhe potentially severe detriment facing a pregnant woman is not mitigated by her minority. Indeed, considering her probable education, employment skills, financial resources, and emotional maturity, unwanted motherhood may be exceptionally burdensome for a minor.... [TJhere are few situations in which denying a minor the right to make an important decision will have consequences so grave and indeli- 69
We thus find no less reason to recognize here than in other settings that "[clonstitutional rights do not mature and come into being magically only when one attains the state-defined age of majority." 70
Of course this does not mean that evidence of the "peculiar vulnerability of children [and] their inability to make critical decisions in an informed, mature manner" 71 has no place in determining whether the parental consent or judicial authorization act is constitutional. To the contrary, we have long emphasized the state's special interest in protecting the health and welfare of children. Yet we have not, in so doing, exempted minors from constitutional protection.72 Evi[41]*41dence tending to show that pregnant minors are vulnerable has no direct bearing on whether minors are "people" in the constitutional sense:
[A] statute's relationship to minors properly is employed in the constitutional calculus in determining whether an asserted state purpose or interest is "compelling." Because the statute's impact on minors is taken into account in assessing the importance of the state interest ostensibly served by the infringement ... it is not appropriate additionally to lower the applicable constitutional standard under which the statute is to be evaluated simply because the privacy interests at stake are those of minors." 73
To justify the parental consent or judicial authorization act's restriction of a minor's right to terminate a pregnancy, then, the state must establish a compelling interest in restricting the minor's right to privacy; it may not simply assert that Alaska's constitution extends a diluted form of privacy right- or no right at all-to minors.
Accordingly, we hold that the superior court correctly decided to build its privacy analysis on the premise that minors and adults start from the same constitutional footing. It likewise correctly decided that the state can constrain a minor's privacy right only when necessary to further a compelling state interest and only if no less restrictive means exist to advance that interest.74
E. Equal Protection
1. The issue presented
As already mentioned, the superior court stopped short of considering whether the interests claimed by the state to justify the parental consent or judicial authorization requirement-protecting minors, families, and parental rights-were sufficiently compelling to justify the act's restrictions on the privacy rights of minors. The court found no need to decide this issue because it concluded that summary judgment was appropriate on the alternative ground that the act violated the Alaska Constitution's guarantee of equal protection.75 Thus, for purposes of its equal protection analysis, the court effectively assumed that the state does have a compelling governmental interest in requiring pregnant minors to obtain parental consent or judicial authorization for an abortion. The issue presented for our consideration, then, is whether, despite this assumed compelling governmental interest, equal protection bars the state from enforcing the parental consent or Judicial authorization act's requirements because they impermissibly discriminate among different classes of similarly situated minors.76
2. Alaska's equal protection standard
[42]*42In State v. Erickson,77 we adopted as a measure of Alaska's equal protection provision a flexible, three-step sliding-scale test.78 Under this test, we initially establish the nature of the right allegedly infringed by state action, increasing the state's burden to justify the action as the right it affects grows more fundamental: at the low end of the sliding scale the state needs only to show that it has a legitimate purpose; but at the high end-when its action directly infringes a fundamental right-the state must prove a compelling governmental © interest.79 We next examine the importance of the state purpose served by the challenged action in order to determine whether it meets the requisite standard.80 We last consider the particular means that the state selects to further its purpose; a showing of substantial relationship between means and ends will suffice at the low end of the scale, but at the high end the state must demonstrate that no less restrictive alternative exists to accomplish its purpose.81
3. The trial court's equal protection ruling
The superior court began its equal protection analysis by briefly reviewing this three-step test. The court noted that "[the first two steps of the equal protection analysis are essentially identical to the two steps of the constitutional right to privacy analysis." Referring to its earlier discussion of privacy, it found that "the right involved is the fundamental right to privacy." It went on to say that "[the question of compelling state interest supporting the legislation has also been examined." The court thus concluded that "Tthe difference between the rights of equal protection and rights of privacy resides in the third prong of the equal protection test."
Turning to the third step of the equal protection analysis, the court initially observed that the parental consent or judicial authorization act creates two categories of similarly situated pregnant minors: "those who elect to have abortions" and "those who elect to carry the fetus to term." Next, the court pointed out that the act applies only to the first category of minors, exempting the second.82 The court then briefly reviewed the parental consent or judicial authorization act's statement of purpose and findings of fact. This review led the court to find that "[njone of the enunciated legislative interests or findings show that the different treatment of the two classes created by the Act relates to a compelling governmental objective." 83 [43]*43Citing recent Florida and California decisions that reached similar conclusions,84 the court declared that the act violates equal protection because "no compelling state interest has been established to justify the classification of minors based upon their reproductive choices."
4. Discussion
The superior court viewed the act as creating two similarly situated classes: pregnant minors who choose to abort and those who choose to give birth. But a broader view of the equal protection issue would seem more appropriate. The act's express terms create several potentially significant classes of similarly situated minors. For example, while AS 18.16.010(a2)8) requires parental consent or judicial authorization to be given for any "unmarried, unemancipated woman under 17 years of age" who chooses to abort a pregnancy, AS 25.20.025(a)(1) generally authorizes all minors who live on their own-regardless of whether they are formally emaneipated-to consent to any form of medical or dental treatment except abortion.85 And AS 25.20.025(a)(4) gives all minors-even those who are unemancipated and living with a parent or guardian-authority to consent to a broad range of medical services and treatments associated with sexual activity except abortion, including "diagnosis, prevention or treatment of pregnancy, and ... diagnosis and treatment of venereal disease." Moreover, the act may create additional de facto classifications that would prove constitutionally significant.86 In our view, all these differences fall within the ambit of the equal protection question raised in this case and deserve careful serutiny.
In challenging the superior court's ruling, the state contends that the court overlooked abundant evidence of potentially compelling state interests in requiring parental consent or judicial authorization to abortion. Emphasizing that it was prepared to prove that the act serves these interests, the state complains that the court refused to hear its evidence. The state points out that the superior court's summary judgment ruling should have drawn all inferences in favor of the non-moving party-the state.87 According to the state, the failure to do so requires a reversal. We agree that it was error to declare S.B. 24 unconstitutional without allowing an eviden-tiary hearing on the issue of whether the act furthers compelling state interests using the least restrictive means.88
[44]*44Although the disputed ruling on equal protection observed that "[the question of compelling state interest supporting the legislation hald] already been examined" in the court's analysis of the right to privacy, the earlier discussion of privacy had not resolved this issue; in concluding its privacy analysis, the court had simply stated, "I need not reach the question whether the State has sufficiently shown that a question of fact exists as to whether the state had shown a compelling interest in enacting this legislation." The court's equal protection decision thus rested entirely on the third step of equal protection analysis and never determined whether the state actually does have a compelling interest in requiring parental consent or judicial authorization to abortion or what the exact nature of that interest is. But this approach is problematic, since Alaska's test of equal protection inseparably links the third step of equal protection analysis (here, whether the state had compelling reasons to require parental consent or judicial authorization for one group of minors but not another) to the second step (the nature and importance of the state's interest in requiring parental consent or judicial authorization to abortion).
In State v. Ostrosky,89 we described the relationship between the second and third steps of Alaska's equal protection test as follows:
As the level of serutiny selected is higher on the Erickson scale, we require that the asserted governmental interests be relatively more compelling and that the legislation's means-to-ends fit be correspondingly closer. On the other hand, if relaxed seru-tiny is indicated, less important governmental objectives will suffice and a greater degree of over/or underinelusiveness in the means-to-ends fit will be tolerated. As a minimum, we require that the legislation be based on a legitimate public purpose and that the classification "be reasonable, not arbitrary, and ... rest upon some ground of difference having a fair and substantial relation to the object of the legislation. . . ." 90
As this passage makes clear, the three steps of Alaska's sliding-scale equal protection test are progressive. The second step varies depending on the outcome of the first. And the third hinges on the nature of the second; as the second-stage analysis requires "the asserted governmental interests [to] be relatively more compelling," "the legislation's means-to-ends fit" must "be correspondingly closer" in the third step of the analysis.91
In the present case, the superior court undertook no second-step inquiry. But if the court had inquired and had actually identified compelling governmental interests in requiring parental consent or judicial authorization, then the third step of the analysis would have required the court to inquire further in order to determine whether the parental consent or judicial authorization act achieved those interests by means of the least restrictive alternative.92 Other courts have identified plausible, facially legitimate grounds for treating pregnant minors who carry their children to birth differently from those who choose abortion.93 And at least some of the [45]*45legislative findings made in support of Alaska's parental consent or judicial authorization act appear to relate more specifically to a minor's capacity to make the choice of abortion than they do to the minor's ability to make other types of medical decisions.94
We express no opinion here as to the likely force or significance of the state's proffered evidence. Given the fundamentality of the right to privacy and the nature of the statutory classification at issue, we certainly recognize that evidence presented in support of the challenged act is "deserving of the most exacting serutiny."95 A court giving close serutiny to the issue of compelling state interest might view the legislature's willingness to allow minors to consent on their own to most forms of reproduction-related medical treatment as evidence that the state's ostensible interests are not particularly compelling.96 Moreover, even if the state's interests were actually compelling, evidence concerning experiences with consent provisions in other jurisdictions, including information about the difficulties faced by minors-particularly minors in rural areas-in gaining access to courts and the judicial bypass procedure, might convince the court that Alaska's act will not actually accomplish these purposes or will not do so using the least restrictive means.97 Alternatively, close scrutiny of the evidence might lead the court to conclude that the state's differential treatment of minors reflects nothing more than a discriminatory intent-an attempt to "chip away at the private choice shielded by Roe v. Wade." 98
But just as we acknowledge these possibilities, we must also acknowledge that the state and amici curiae have offered potentially compelling evidence, not yet heard, of other possible outcomes. At the summary judgment stage, all of this evidence, and all reasonable inferences arising from it, should have been viewed in the light most favorable to the state.99 This was not the view adopted below, where the analysis of means-to-ends fit was limited to the parental consent or judicial authorization act's expressed legislative purposes and findings. Other evidence proffered by the state apparently was not considered. And most significantly, as already noted, there was no determination concerning the nature and importance of the state's interest in requiring parental consent or judicial authorization.100
[46]*465. Need for a hearing
Plaintiffs nevertheless invite us to resolve the disputed issues as matters of law on appeal, even if we conclude that the superior court incorrectly applied the equal protection analysis. In advancing this invitation, plaintiffs emphasize that we owe no deference to legislative judgments "when infringement of a constitutional right results from legislative action." 101
But the parties offer a large body of conflicting evidence-much of it scientific and technical, some of it controversial-whose meaning, reliability, and significance are strongly disputed. Given the importance of the interests at stake, we are reluctant to pass judgment on the quality of this evidence or its substantive implications without the benefits of a full adversarial process.102 In our judgment, the conflicting positions asserted in this case are too close, too significant, and too ensnarled in unresolved factual disputes to permit summary adjudication. The superior court has defined the difficult balance of interests that frames the disputed constitutional questions. On remand, the court should apply this balance in accordance with the views expressed in this opinion after allowing the parties an opportunity to present evidence supporting their respective positions.103
IV. CONCLUSION
We AFFIRM in part, REVERSE in part, and REMAND for an evidentiary hearing to determine whether the parental consent or judicial authorization act actually furthers compelling state interests using the least restrictive means.