People ex rel. Fountain v. Board of Supervisors

4 Barb. 64
CourtNew York Supreme Court
DecidedJuly 5, 1848
StatusPublished
Cited by22 cases

This text of 4 Barb. 64 (People ex rel. Fountain v. Board of Supervisors) is published on Counsel Stack Legal Research, covering New York Supreme Court primary law. Counsel Stack provides free access to over 12 million legal documents including statutes, case law, regulations, and constitutions.

Bluebook
People ex rel. Fountain v. Board of Supervisors, 4 Barb. 64 (N.Y. Super. Ct. 1848).

Opinion

By the Court, Babculo, J.

The question arises whether the board of supervisors can be compelled by mandamus to direct the levy and collection of the damages assessed to the relators under the act of 1845. In discussing this question, I shall assume that a mandamus is the proper remedy for the enforcement of the relators’ rights, if any they have; and that their rights are cut off and annulled by the repealing acts, if the legislature had the power thus to cut them off.

The case then involves the consideration of the following propositions: I. The general power of the legislature to destroy vested rights by a repeal of the statute under which they were acquired. II. How far the repealing acts in question conflict with the provision of the constitution of this state which forbids the taking of private property for public use, without just compensation. III. How far they fall within the inhibition contained in the constitution of the United States against passing laws impairing the obligation of contracts.

I. By the theory of the English government, the law-making power is omnipotent. An act,of parliament in plain and distinct terms, however unjust or oppressive, is binding upon individuals and courts of justice. It is the supreme law of the land, and demands perfect obedience. It has been said by an eminent jurist of this country, that, “ if there be no constitutional objection to a statute, it is with us as absolute and uncontrollable as laws flowing from the sovereign power, under any other form of government.” (1 Kents Com. 448.) In its broad and unlimited sense, I cannot subscribe to this doctrine, as applicable to republican governments. Here the legislature is not supreme; it is not the highest authority recognized. “It [71]*71is only one of the organs of that absolute sovereignty which resides in the whole body of the people. Like other departments of government, it can only exercise such powers as have been delegated to it; and when it steps beyond that boundary, its acts, like those of the most humble magistrate in the state, who transcends his jurisdiction, are utterly void.” We have written constitutions which limit and control the legislative power: and although, in the absence of a constitutional inhibition, the legislature may be presumed to have the power it exercises, in most cases, still I apprehend that this is not universally true. The constitution declares that “ the legislative power of this state shall be vested in a senate and assembly.” This is the authority under which our legislature acts; and under this clause it has the power of legislation within the fair scope of legislation, except so far as it is restricted by other provisions of the constitution. But it can hardly be said that under this general power of legislation it is omnipotent: that it can pass acts against natural right and justice, and subversive of decency and good order. Such power is the prerogative of despotism—not of free government. To suppose that the people have clothed their representatives with absolute and despotic power, under the general grant of legislative authority, is to presume them incapable of self-government and unworthy the name of freemen.

Protection to life, liberty, and property, is the great object of human governments. Whatever tends to this end is within the scope of legislative authority: whatever plainly destroys this, is beyond its legitimate scope. The legislature has full power to enact laws for the punishment of crimes : but suppose it should prescribe a uniformity of dress, or the quantity and quality of food for each person, or regulate the hours which every citizen should devote to labor and to sleep ; and, attempt to enforce such arbitrary interference with individual affairs, by pains and penalties; would such laws be valid? Could any court be found to enforce them ? I am aware that these may be called extreme casesand that it cannot be presumed that the representatives of the people will so far forget their [72]*72position, as to enter upon such fields of unauthorized legislation ; still, experience warns us not to be too sanguine even' upon this point. The past admonishes us of the necessity of guarding individual right against the encroachments of the law-making power. Our records show that several instances have occurred, within a few years, of laws being made in violation of the express provisions of the constitution. ( Warren v. The People, 2 Denio, 272. Quackenbush v. Danks, 1 Id. 128.)

It cannot be denied that excessive legislation is the great legal curse of the age. It is the mighty vortex which is drawing every thing within its grasp. So long as it keeps within the constitutional bounds and legitimate scope of its authority, it is our duty to enforce the laws : but when it transcends these, it is equally our duty to declare them null and void. (Kent's Com. lect. 20.) As this doctrine, limiting the omnipotence of the legislative power, by judicial interposition, has been recently denied by a learned member of the court of errors, in the case of Cochran v. Van Surlay, (20 Wend. 382,) it may be well to see how it stands upon authority.

In Gardner v. The Village of Newburgh, (2 John. Ch. 162,) Chancellor Kent had occasion to discuss the power of the state to take private property for public purposes without making recompense therefor; and he held that this power could not be legally exercised, and accordingly granted an injunction restraining the defendants from proceeding under the act, until it should be so amended as to give the plaintiff a just compensation for his property. This it will be remembered was in the absence of any constitutional restriction: as the first incorporation of that principle into our state constitutions was in 1821. In his commentaries, this eminent jurist reviews the American authorities on this subject, and declares that the principle exists with stringent force, independent of any positive (constitutional provision, “ and is laid down by jurists as an Acknowledged principle of universal law.” (2 Kent's Com. 339, and note.)

In Bradshaw v. Rogers, (20 John. 103,) Chief Justice Spencer declared that the taking of private property without making [73]*73compensation was contrary to a great and fundamental principle of government; and any law violating that principle must be deemed a nullity, as it is against natural right and justice. Although the decision in this case was reversed, it was upon a ground that left this doctrine undisturbed. In Varíele v. Smith, (5 Paige, 137,) Chancellor Walworth says, “In a state which is governed by a written constitution, like ours, if the legislature should so far forget its duty, and the natural rights of an individual, as to take his private property and transfer it to another when there was no foundation for a pretence that the public was to be benefited thereby, I should not hesitate to declare that such an abuse of the right of eminent domain was an infringement of the spirit of the constitution ; and, therefore, not. within the general powers delegated by the people to the legislature.” (See also the remarks of the Chancellor in Beekman v. The Saratoga and Schenectady Rail-Road Company, 3 Paige, 45 ; and in Bloodgood v. Mohawk and Hudson RailRoad Company, 18 Wend. 9.) In Clarke v. Van Surley, (15 Wend.

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Bluebook (online)
4 Barb. 64, Counsel Stack Legal Research, https://law.counselstack.com/opinion/people-ex-rel-fountain-v-board-of-supervisors-nysupct-1848.