Kansas, State of v. Biden

District Court, D. Kansas·Decided June 7, 2024·No. 6:24-cv-01057·Unknown

Opinion

IN THE UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT FOR THE DISTRICT OF KANSAS

STATE OF KANSAS, et al.,

Plaintiffs, Case No. 24-1057-DDC-ADM

v.

JOSEPH R. BIDEN, et al.,

Defendants.

MEMORANDUM AND ORDER

A plaintiff must have standing to bring a lawsuit. As future Justice Scalia once explained, standing asks, “What’s it to you?”1 And if a plaintiff can’t answer that question, that plaintiff doesn’t have standing. This case requires the court to answer a daunting question: When do states have standing to sue the federal government? The Supreme Court addressed this question in Biden v. Nebraska, 143 S. Ct. 2355 (2023). There, several states challenged a Department of Education student loan forgiveness plan. The Supreme Court held that one state had standing. Missouri had standing to sue on behalf of its “public instrumentality”—a nonprofit, government corporation that owned and serviced student loans. That public instrumentality had suffered harm because the Department’s plan forgave student loan debt, thereby reducing the number of student loans, and, as a result, reducing the service fees the public instrumentality would collect. And so, harm to Missouri’s public instrumentality conferred standing on Missouri. This case,

1 Antonin Scalia, The Doctrine of Standing as an Essential Element of the Separation of Powers, 17 Suffolk U. L. Rev. 881, 882 (1983) (revised version of Ninth Donahue Lecture at Suffolk University Law School) (cited in TransUnion LLC v. Ramirez, 594 U.S. 413, 423 (2021)). though it involves different states and a different student loan forgiveness plan, sits in the shadow of Biden v. Nebraska. Plaintiffs here are 11 states challenging the Department of Education’s new student loan regulations, called the SAVE Plan. As relevant here, the SAVE Plan does two things. First, it lowers monthly payments for eligible borrowers. Second, it shortens the maximum repayment

period for eligible borrowers who took out small original loans. That is, if a student borrowed $12,000 or less, the new regulations require that borrower to make payments for 10 years— instead of 20 or 25 years. After 10 years of payments, the Department will forgive the remainder of the debt. Plaintiffs claim the new regulations violate the Constitution’s separation of powers and the Administrative Procedures Act. Defendants have moved to dismiss, arguing plaintiffs lack standing because the SAVE Plan doesn’t cause the states any direct harm. Doc. 45. In response, plaintiffs argue the new regulations will harm them in three ways: (1) reduced revenue for the states’ public instrumentalities who own student loans, (2) reduced tax revenue, and (3) a competitive harm to

their ability to recruit and retain employees to state public service employment. The first theory works, thanks to Biden v. Nebraska. But the other two don’t. In short, plaintiffs have shouldered their burden to show the SAVE Plan likely will reduce the revenue of South Carolina, Texas, and Alaska’s public instrumentalities—but just barely. Their standing theory is weaker than the one that prevailed in Biden v. Nebraska. And the allegations and declarations supporting their standing theory are conflicting. Plaintiffs even tried to sandbag their standing obligation. Their initial Complaint didn’t allege standing facts adequately. Instead, plaintiffs wanted to hold onto their standing allegations until the preliminary injunction hearing. The court rejected that approach since standing, in federal court, is an essential ingredient of subject matter jurisdiction. So, they eventually filed an Amended Complaint disclosing their standing assertion. This approach is far from perfect. But despite these issues, plaintiffs have shouldered their burden to show that the new regulations, more likely than not, will injure South Carolina, Texas, and Alaska’s public instrumentalities. The other eight states—those without a public instrumentality participating in

the student loan market—haven’t shouldered their burden to show that the regulations will cause them any direct harm. The other eight plaintiffs assert that they have standing because the SAVE Plan will reduce their income tax revenues. But this is an incidental effect of the SAVE Plan, traceable to plaintiffs’ own decisions about how to tax revenue. Alternatively, these eight plaintiffs also assert that the SAVE Plan harms them directly because it reduces their ability to recruit staff to public service within state agencies. No court has ever bought into this theory, and this court declines to become the first. These plaintiffs simply have no skin in the game. Their answer to Justice Scalia’s colloquial expression of standing—What’s it to you?—is this: It’s nothing.

The court thus grants defendants’ Motion to Dismiss (Doc. 45) in part and denies it in part. Plaintiffs South Carolina, Texas, and Alaska have standing based on their public instrumentalities. The other eight states don’t, and, exercising discretion conferred by Circuit authority, the court dismisses them from this action. This is precisely how the court handles any lawsuit where some plaintiffs have viable claims and others don’t. Fed. R. Civ. P. 1 (directing courts to “secure the just, speedy, and inexpensive determination of every action and proceeding”). The court explains this result, below, beginning with the relevant background. I. Background The court begins with the statutory scheme that defendants here used to enact the SAVE Plan. The court then recounts the details of the SAVE Plan and concludes this section with a short summary of this lawsuit. The Higher Education Act (HEA) Congress enacted the Higher Education Act in 1965 “to assist in making available the

benefits of postsecondary education to eligible students . . . in institutions of higher education[.]” 20 U.S.C. § 1070. Initially, the HEA didn’t authorize the federal government to loan money directly to students. Doc. 57 at 10 (1st Am. Compl. ¶ 46). Instead, the federal government guaranteed private loans. Id. That changed in 1993, when Congress amended the HEA and authorized the federal government to loan money directly to students. Id. This 1993 amendment also required the Department of Education to offer students a variety of repayment plans. Id.; see also 20 U.S.C. § 1087e(d)(1). Only one variety of repayment plan matters here: income contingent repayment plans. Doc. 57 at 10 (1st Am. Compl. ¶ 47); see also 20 U.S.C. § 1087e(d)(1)(D). As the name implies, these plans base a borrower’s loan repayments on the borrower’s income. The relevant statute provides for “an income contingent repayment plan,

with varying annual payments based on the income of the borrower, paid over an extended period of time prescribed by the Secretary, not to exceed 25 years[.]” 20 U.S.C. § 1087e(d)(1)(D). The SAVE Plan Plaintiffs challenge the Department’s SAVE Plan, which sets new rules for income contingent (also known as income driven) repayment plans. This section recounts the SAVE Plan’s history and explains how it works. In January 2023, the Department issued a Notice of Proposed Rulemaking (NPRM). Doc. 57 at 12 (1st Am. Compl. ¶ 57). The NPRM “propose[d] to amend the regulations governing income-contingent repayment plans[.]” Improving Income-Driven Repayment for the William D. Ford Federal Direct Loan Program, 88 Fed. Reg. 1894, 1894 (Jan. 11, 2023) (to be codified at 34 C.F.R. pt.

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