Jays Foods, Inc. v. Frito-Lay, Inc.

614 F. Supp. 1073, 54 U.S.L.W. 2113, 1985 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 17229
CourtDistrict Court, N.D. Illinois
DecidedAugust 1, 1985
Docket78 C 4352
StatusPublished
Cited by6 cases

This text of 614 F. Supp. 1073 (Jays Foods, Inc. v. Frito-Lay, Inc.) is published on Counsel Stack Legal Research, covering District Court, N.D. Illinois primary law. Counsel Stack provides free access to over 12 million legal documents including statutes, case law, regulations, and constitutions.

Bluebook
Jays Foods, Inc. v. Frito-Lay, Inc., 614 F. Supp. 1073, 54 U.S.L.W. 2113, 1985 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 17229 (N.D. Ill. 1985).

Opinion

MEMORANDUM AND ORDER

MORAN, District Judge.

This action, in which plaintiff Jays Foods (Jays) alleges that it was a victim of predatory pricing, comes before this court ten years after the seminal article by Professors Areeda and Turner which outlined a cost-based definition of predatory pricing. Areeda and Turner, Predatory Pricing and Related Practices Under Section 2 of the Sherman Act, 88 Harv.L.Rev. 697 (1975). Defendant Frito-Lay’s (Frito-Lay) motion for summary judgment on Count I requires this court to determine what fealty to give cost-based tests of predatory pricing in light of a decade of judicial responses to the article and its progeny. It also comes in the wake of full and complete discovery. The question, therefore, is whether there is sufficient evidence to create triable issues.

I.

Frito-Lay is a national producer of a full range of salty snack foods such as potato chips and pretzels. Its competitors include regional suppliers of a more limited range of snack foods. Jays is one of these regional competitors. Its primary product is potato chips and its market consists of parts of Illinois, Wisconsin, Michigan and Indiana.

In an antitrust ease plaintiff has the burden of establishing the relevant product and geographic markets. See L.A. Draper & Son v. Wheelabrator-Frye Co., 735 F.2d 414 (11th Cir.1984). While Jays’ complaint covers several products and geographic markets, for purposes of the motion for summary judgment the relevant geographic market is the Chicago area and the relevant product is potato chips. The summary judgment motion is further focused on the sale of potato chips in supermarkets. Supermarket sales account for over 60 per cent of the total sales of snack foods. The Chicago market is presumably the center of Frito-Lay’s allegedly illegal competitive practices, and is the largest market served by Jays.

Potato chip sale levels are related to the amount of supermarket shelf space available to a supplier. Sales levels are also related to promotional incentives given stores and their customers. Sufficient shelf space is also required to introduce new products. Stores allocate shelf space to suppliers on the basis of the sales of each supplier’s products.

*1075 There seems to be little doubt that in the day-to-day commercial warfare between snack food suppliers the key battle is over shelf space. Frito-Lay believed that the company with the greatest share of potato chip business would control the entire salty snack sections of the supermarkets. Because potato chip sales were the core of the regional competitors’ strength, Frito-Lay especially sought to increase its market share of potato chips. In its complaint Jays alleges that Frito-Lay provided misleading and inaccurate market studies to major retailer chains in order to increase its share of shelf space at the expense of other competitors. Frito-Lay also allegedly engaged in advertising and promotional practices which helped it to secure additional shelf space. Finally, Frito-Lay allegedly used its dominance in the corn chip market as leverage to induce stores to provide additional shelf space for its other products.

During the 1974-1980 period which is the subject of this lawsuit, 1 Jays was the larger of the two potato chip suppliers in the Chicago area. During the same period Jays was apparently attempting to expand into other salty food product lines and become a supplier of a full range of snack products. Both companies’ sales grew during this period. In 1974 Frito-Lay’s Chicago division had total sales of $7,559,630 and showed a loss of $35,329. By 1980 its sales had .nearly doubled to $13,545,170 and its profits had reached $1,057,830. The record does not contain figures for Jays’ performance in the Chicago market. Jays’ total net sales grew from $22,970,172 in 1974 to $44,352,969 in 1980. Jays’ pretax profits rose from $139,749 in 1974 to $2,319,620 in 1977, before tapering off to $948,557 in 1980. The record does not indicate what shifts occurred in each company’s share of the Chicago potato chip market. 2

The record makes clear that Chicago was one of the “problem” markets for Frito-Lay. Frito-Lay faced strong local competition in potato chip sales and its performance lagged relative to other markets. Consequently, Frito-Lay devoted extra promotional and advertising resources to the Chicago market. These promotions included substantial price discounts, some of which were unauthorized, and a strong emphasis on potato chips in the supermarket display shelves (“overfacing”).

The record suggests that Frito-Lay set its prices with an eye towards competitive conditions. A summary of Frito-Lay’s pricing objectives identified three approaches to pricing based on market conditions. In high-growth product categories, where Frito-Lay had market leadership, prices were to be set “most aggressively.” In low-growth categories, where Frito-Lay had shared market leadership, prices were to be less aggressive. Finally, in “low-growth categories where we do not dominate we will price competitively (e.g. potato chips).”

What is also evident from the record is that Frito-Lay’s guide in setting prices was its corporate financial goals. Its pricing decisions were “designed to maintain total corporate gross margin at target level of 50%."

According to Jays, Frito-Lay also sold potato chips in Chicago for a lower profit in order to increase its market share. Frito-Lay purportedly was willing to lower its profit in Chicago and other problem markets because it could subsidize these lower profits with the higher profits earned in markets where it faced little or no competition. Frito-Lay’s prices for identical products varied from market to market, at least in part because Frito-Lay took over regional companies with established price patterns. Regional price variations also resulted from the different competitive condi *1076 tions faced by Frito-Lay in various markets. Frito-Lay prices for some potato chip products in the Chicago market were lower for significant periods than prices for the same products in other markets.

Jays’ first amended complaint contains three counts. Count I alleges that Frito-Lay has engaged in predatory pricing in violation of Section 2 of the Sherman Act. Count II is brought under Section 2 of the Clayton Act and alleges that Frito-Lay has engaged in illegal price discrimination. Count III contains pendent claims brought under the deceptive trade practices laws of the states served by Jays and alleges that Frito-Lay engaged in anti-competitive conduct. Jays claims that it sustained a loss totalling $4,311,806.73 for fiscal years 1975-1981, because of its inability to increase prices to reach a 6% pre-tax rate of return as a result of Frito-Lay’s anticompetitive conduct.

II.

In Count I Jays claims that Frito-Lay attempted to monopolize the Chicago market for potato chips in violation of Section 2 of the Sherman Act. 15 U.S.C. § 2.

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Bluebook (online)
614 F. Supp. 1073, 54 U.S.L.W. 2113, 1985 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 17229, Counsel Stack Legal Research, https://law.counselstack.com/opinion/jays-foods-inc-v-frito-lay-inc-ilnd-1985.