In re: Courtney Wild

955 F.3d 1196
CourtCourt of Appeals for the Eleventh Circuit
DecidedApril 14, 2020
Docket19-13843
StatusPublished
Cited by3 cases

This text of 955 F.3d 1196 (In re: Courtney Wild) is published on Counsel Stack Legal Research, covering Court of Appeals for the Eleventh Circuit primary law. Counsel Stack provides free access to over 12 million legal documents including statutes, case law, regulations, and constitutions.

Bluebook
In re: Courtney Wild, 955 F.3d 1196 (11th Cir. 2020).

Opinion

Case: 19-13843 Date Filed: 04/14/2020 Page: 1 of 120

[PUBLISH]

IN THE UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS

FOR THE ELEVENTH CIRCUIT ________________________

No. 19-13843 ________________________

D.C. Docket No. 9:08-cv-80736-KAM

In re: COURTNEY WILD,

Petitioner.

________________________

On Petition for Writ of Mandamus to the United States District Court for the Southern District of Florida ________________________

(April 14, 2020)

Before NEWSOM, TJOFLAT, and HULL, Circuit Judges.

NEWSOM, Circuit Judge:

This case, which is before us on a petition for writ of mandamus, arises out

of a civil suit filed under the Crime Victims’ Rights Act of 2004. Petitioner

Courtney Wild is one of more than 30 women—girls, really—who were victimized

by notorious sex trafficker and child abuser Jeffrey Epstein. In her petition, Ms. Case: 19-13843 Date Filed: 04/14/2020 Page: 2 of 120

Wild alleges that when federal prosecutors secretly negotiated and entered into a

non-prosecution agreement with Epstein in 2007, they violated her rights under the

CVRA—in particular, her rights to confer with the government’s lawyers and to be

treated fairly by them.

Despite our sympathy for Ms. Wild and others like her, who suffered

unspeakable horror at Epstein’s hands, only to be left in the dark—and, so it seems,

affirmatively misled—by government lawyers, we find ourselves constrained to

deny her petition. We hold that at least as matters currently stand—which is to say

at least as the CVRA is currently written—rights under the Act do not attach until

criminal proceedings have been initiated against a defendant, either by complaint,

information, or indictment. Because the government never filed charges or

otherwise commenced criminal proceedings against Epstein, the CVRA was never

triggered. It’s not a result we like, but it’s the result we think the law requires.

I

The facts underlying this case, as we understand them, are beyond

scandalous—they tell a tale of national disgrace.

Over the course of eight years, between 1999 and 2007, well-heeled and

well-connected financier Jeffrey Epstein and multiple coconspirators sexually

abused more than 30 minor girls, including our petitioner, in Palm Beach, Florida

and elsewhere in the United States and abroad. Epstein paid his employees to find

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minor girls and deliver them to him—some as young as 14. Once Epstein had the

girls, he either sexually abused them himself, gave them over to be abused by

others, or both. Epstein, in turn, paid bounties to some of his victims to recruit

other girls into his ring.

Following a tip in 2005, the Palm Beach Police Department and the FBI

conducted a two-year investigation of Epstein’s conduct. After developing

substantial incriminating evidence, the FBI referred the matter for prosecution to

the United States Attorney’s Office for the Southern District of Florida. Beginning

in January 2007, and over the course of the ensuing eight months, Epstein’s

defense team engaged in extensive negotiations with federal prosecutors in an

effort to avoid indictment. At the same time, prosecutors were corresponding with

Epstein’s known victims. As early as March 2007, they sent letters advising each

one that “as a victim and/or witness of a federal offense, you have a number of

rights.” The letters, which the government distributed over the course of about six

months, went on to enumerate the eight CVRA rights then in force—including, as

particularly relevant here, “[t]he reasonable right to confer with the attorney for the

[Government] in the case” and “the right to be treated with fairness and with

respect for the victim’s dignity and privacy.”

By May 2007, government lawyers had completed both an 82-page

prosecution memo and a 53-page draft indictment alleging that Epstein had

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committed numerous federal sex crimes. In July, Epstein’s lawyers sent a detailed

letter to prosecutors in an effort to convince them that, in fact, Epstein hadn’t

committed any federal offenses. By September, the sides had exchanged multiple

drafts of what would become an infamous non-prosecution agreement (“NPA”).

Pursuant to their eventual agreement, Epstein would plead guilty in Florida court to

two state prostitution offenses, and, in exchange, he and any coconspirators (at

least four of whom have since been identified) would receive immunity from

federal prosecution. 1 In June 2008, Epstein pleaded guilty to the state crimes as

agreed and was sentenced to 18 months’ imprisonment, 12 months’ home

confinement, and lifetime sex-offender status.

The district court found that “[f]rom the time the FBI began investigating

Epstein until September 24, 2007”—when the government formally executed the

NPA with Epstein—federal prosecutors “never conferred with the victims about

a[n] NPA or told the victims that such agreement was under consideration.” Doe 1

v. United States, 359 F. Supp. 3d 1201, 1208 (S.D. Fla. 2019). Worse, it appears

that prosecutors worked hand-in-hand with Epstein’s lawyers—or at the very least

1 The agreement also contained several provisions concerning Epstein’s victims. The government, for instance, agreed to provide a list of known victims to Epstein and, “in consultation with and subject to the good faith approval of Epstein’s counsel,” to “select an attorney representative” for the victims, to be “paid for by Epstein.” Epstein agreed not to contest liability or damages in a victim’s civil suit, “so long as the identified individual elect[ed] to proceed exclusively under 18 U.S.C. § 2255, and agree[d] to waive any other claim for damages.” An odd set-up—and one that, it seems to us, was likely calculated to quickly and quietly resolve as many victim suits as possible.

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acceded to their requests—to keep the NPA’s existence and terms hidden from

victims. The NPA itself provided that “[t]he parties anticipate that this agreement

will not be made part of any public record” and, further, that “[i]f the United States

receives a Freedom of Information Act request or any compulsory process

commanding the disclosure of the agreement, it will provide notice to Epstein

before making that disclosure.” Moreover, at approximately the same time that the

sides concluded the NPA, they began negotiating about what prosecutors could

(and couldn’t) tell victims about the agreement. Seemingly in deference to

Epstein’s lawyers’ repeated requests, the government held off—for nearly an entire

year—on notifying Epstein’s victims of the NPA’s existence.

And to be clear, the government’s efforts seem to have graduated from

passive nondisclosure to (or at least close to) active misrepresentation. In January

2008, for example, approximately four months after finalizing and executing the

NPA, the government sent a letter to petitioner stating that Epstein’s case was

“currently under investigation,” explaining that “[t]his can be a lengthy process,”

and “request[ing her] continued patience while [it] conduct[ed] a thorough

investigation.” The government sent an identical letter to another victim in May

2008, some eight months after inking the NPA. 2

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Related

In re: Courtney Wild
994 F.3d 1244 (Eleventh Circuit, 2021)
Green v. Graham (CONSENT)
M.D. Alabama, 2020

Cite This Page — Counsel Stack

Bluebook (online)
955 F.3d 1196, Counsel Stack Legal Research, https://law.counselstack.com/opinion/in-re-courtney-wild-ca11-2020.