Freeman v. Commonwealth

288 S.E.2d 461, 223 Va. 301, 8 Media L. Rep. (BNA) 1340, 1982 Va. LEXIS 203
CourtSupreme Court of Virginia
DecidedMarch 12, 1982
DocketRecord 810480
StatusPublished
Cited by50 cases

This text of 288 S.E.2d 461 (Freeman v. Commonwealth) is published on Counsel Stack Legal Research, covering Supreme Court of Virginia primary law. Counsel Stack provides free access to over 12 million legal documents including statutes, case law, regulations, and constitutions.

Bluebook
Freeman v. Commonwealth, 288 S.E.2d 461, 223 Va. 301, 8 Media L. Rep. (BNA) 1340, 1982 Va. LEXIS 203 (Va. 1982).

Opinion

POFF, J.,

delivered the opinion of the Court.

A jury convicted John Middleton Freeman of the charge that he “did . . . feloniously produce or make sexually explicit visual material which has as a subject a person less than eighteen years of age,” Code § 18.2-374.1(B)(2), and fixed his punishment at two years in the penitentiary. Appealing from an order entered January 12, 1981, confirming the verdict, Freeman contends that the statute, read as a whole, is unconstitutionally overbroad and vague.

In the spring and summer of 1979, Freeman, an unmarried 61-year-old free-lance artist, befriended J.M., an attractive five-year-old girl who played in the neighborhood where Freeman lived with his mother. On at least two occasions, he took snapshots of J.M., some in black and white and some in color. In some, J.M. was *306 shown partially or wholly nude with her genitals exposed in part or in full. Four of the five introduced in evidence depict her posing in erotic postures on Freeman’s bed.

In September, Freeman approached J.M.’s mother and showed her the pictures. Mrs. M. testified that Freeman told her “that he had already shown them to a man in New York, a publisher, and that he was going to trade him rights to publish his book for the pictures. He wanted my approval”. Mrs. M. did not approve and demanded the pictures. Freeman refused to give them to her but said he would sell them to her.

Testifying in his own defense, Freeman characterized J.M. as a precocious child with an active sexual curiosity. He said that she made sexual advances to him and asked him to photograph her in nude “Playboy” poses. He agreed, but only to make a record of her conduct in order to prove to her mother how “promiscuous” she was. He denied that he had shown the pictures to anyone other than Mrs. M., and he explained that all he asked as the price of the snapshots was the cost he incurred in making them. He acknowledged, however, that he had written a book of “fantasies” entitled “Irish Tales for Adult Children” which had been “accepted by publishers in New York.” Freeman had “dedicated” the book to J.M. The publisher told him that “we will publish it for free but you will get royalties once it gets out.”

The legislative goal of the statute Freeman attacks is basic to our constitutional analysis, and we examine the circumstances leading to its enactment. The evil the statute was designed to control is vividly described in published reports of private and governmental bodies which have been collected in numerous scholarly essays. 1 Drawing upon such works, we learn that so-called “sexploitation” of children grew to epidemic proportions in the decade of the 1970’s. The American conscience was shocked by public media accounts of sexual exploitation of children by adults. What came to be known as “kiddie porn” in the underground obscenity market began to appear openly on bookstore shelves. Magazines displayed pictures of children engaged in activities ranging from lewd poses to intercourse, fellatio, cunnilingus, masturbation, *307 rape, incest, and sado-masochism. According to one official estimate, child pornography has become the merchandise of a commercial enterprise grossing more than half a billion dollars a year.

Producers, publishers, and other merchandisers are not the only profiteers. Parents in necessitous circumstances often “rent” their children as models for photographers. And profit is not the only motive. Pedophiles, adults who have a sexual preference for children, derive an aberrant gratification from inducing children to perform sexual acts before a camera and looking at the pictures.

Whatever the photographers’ motivations, and however great the illicit profit involved, society’s chief concern is the injury inflicted upon its children in the process of production and sale. Typically, the photographer’s model is the most vulnerable member of the juvenile population — the very young and trusting, the abandoned child, the product of a broken home, the unemployed runaway, the teenager with a drug addiction to support.

The harm the child suffers takes many forms. In the course of inducing the child to pose, the photographer may engage his model in a variety of sexual acts, with or without the child’s consent. Even if the child is not sexually abused physically, the experience it undergoes may leave lasting psychological scars. Once the photograph is developed, the photographer may use it to persuade other children that the conduct it depicts is a social norm. Thus, he may induce others to become models, and if he is a child molester, he may use the picture to arouse the sexual instincts of his victim. Finally, there is growing evidence of a reciprocal cause- and-effect relationship between child pornography and child prostitution, male and female, heterosexual and homosexual.

Responding to parental alarms and public outrage, lawmakers began searching for new ways of dealing with a new threat to children. Old laws were unequal to the challenge. Statutes criminalizing rape, sodomy, incest, and other forms of child abuse did not treat with the harm resulting from the production of child pornography. A producer of child pornography could be convicted of contributing to the delinquency of a minor, but conviction carried only a misdemeanor penalty. Congressional measures criminalized the distribution but not the production of obscenity within the federal domain.

*308 In the enactment of new laws, many states adopted the federal pattern. In Virginia, the General Assembly attacked the problem at its roots and in all its branches. Code § 18.2-374.1, 2 enacted near the end of the decade, focuses upon child pornography. It relates only to “sexually explicit visual material” which “utilizes or has as a subject a person less than eighteen years of age” and which is “obscene for children”. The Virginia statute criminalizes the distribution of such material as well as its produc *309 tion. But, reading the statute as a whole in light of the public concern which gave it birth, we believe the paramount legislative goal was to protect children from the harm they suffer when they are induced to become models for such materials, irrespective of the motive or intent of the offender.

We now consider whether the means employed by the statute are reasonably restricted to achieve its goal.

I. CONSTITUTIONAL OVERBREADTH

Is the statute an overbroad encroachment upon the First Amendment, as Freeman contends? It proscribes distribution of material which is “obscene for children”. Material which may be obscene for children is not necessarily obscene for adults, even though it is pornographic. Distribution of such pornography to children may constitutionally be forbidden by law. Ginsberg v. New York, 390 U.S. 629 (1968). Distribution to adults can be proscribed only if the pornography is obscene by adult standards. Roth v. United States, 354 U.S.

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Bluebook (online)
288 S.E.2d 461, 223 Va. 301, 8 Media L. Rep. (BNA) 1340, 1982 Va. LEXIS 203, Counsel Stack Legal Research, https://law.counselstack.com/opinion/freeman-v-commonwealth-va-1982.