Crenshaw Subway Coalition v. City of L.A.

CourtCalifornia Court of Appeal
DecidedMarch 3, 2022
DocketB309288
StatusPublished

This text of Crenshaw Subway Coalition v. City of L.A. (Crenshaw Subway Coalition v. City of L.A.) is published on Counsel Stack Legal Research, covering California Court of Appeal primary law. Counsel Stack provides free access to over 12 million legal documents including statutes, case law, regulations, and constitutions.

Bluebook
Crenshaw Subway Coalition v. City of L.A., (Cal. Ct. App. 2022).

Opinion

Filed 3/3/22 CERTIFIED FOR PARTIAL PUBLICATION*

IN THE COURT OF APPEAL OF THE STATE OF CALIFORNIA

SECOND APPELLATE DISTRICT

DIVISION TWO

CRENSHAW SUBWAY B309288 COALITION, (Los Angeles County Plaintiff and Appellant, Super. Ct. No. BS174553)

v.

CITY OF LOS ANGELES et al.,

Defendants and Respondents;

HAAS BHCP PROPERTY OWNER, LLC,

Real Party in Interest and Respondent.

* This opinion is published as to all parts except Part II of the Discussion. APPEAL from a judgment of the Superior Court of Los Angeles County, Mitchell L. Beckloff, Judge. Affirmed.

Strumwasser & Woocher, Beverly Grossman Palmer, Caroline Chiappetti, and Salvador E. Perez for Plaintiff and Appellant.

Michael N. Feuer, City Attorney, Terry Kaufmann-Macias, Assistant City Attorney, John W. Fox, Craig Takenaka, Mei-Mei Cheng, Elaine Zhong, Deputy City Attorneys; Burke, Williams & Sorensen, Charles E. Slyngstad, Nicholas J. Muscolino; Thomas Law Group and Amy Higuera for Defendants and Respondents.

Alston & Bird and Edward J. Casey for Real Party in Interest and Respondent.

****** After the City of Los Angeles (the City) approved a project aimed at “revitaliz[ing]” a neighborhood in South Los Angeles through the renovation and expansion of an existing shopping mall and the construction of additional office space, a hotel, and new apartments and condominiums, a neighborhood advocacy group sued to enjoin the project under the federal Fair Housing Act (42 U.S.C. § 3601 et seq.) and California’s Fair Employment and Housing Act (FEHA) (Gov. Code, § 12900 et seq.). The group’s lawsuit rests on a “gentrification” theory—namely, that the project will lead to an “influx of new, more affluent residents”; that this influx will lead to “increased rents and increased property values that [will] put pressure” on the low-income residents who currently live near the project site; and that these

2 higher rents will push the low-income residents out of “their neighborhoods.” Because a majority of these low-income residents are Black or Latinx, the group alleges, the project has the effect of “mak[ing]” “dwellings” “unavailable” “because of race[ and] color” in violation of the disparate impact prong of the Fair Housing Act (and, thus, by extension, the FEHA). Is a disparate impact claim based on this gentrification theory cognizable under the Fair Housing Act? We conclude it is not, and this conclusion is dictated by the United States Supreme Court’s decision in Texas Department of Housing & Community Affairs v. Inclusive Communities Project, Inc. (2015) 576 U.S. 519 (Inclusive Communities). In no uncertain terms, Inclusive Communities held that the Fair Housing Act does not afford relief if such relief “cause[s] race to be used and considered in a pervasive and explicit manner [in deciding whether] to justify governmental or private actions” because doing so “inject[s] racial considerations into [the] decision.” (Id. at p. 543.) Because the Fair Housing Act itself was enacted to combat (and hence only prohibits) those policies and practices that “ha[ve] a ‘significantly disparate impact on nonwhites’” (Hardie v. NCAA (9th Cir. 2017) 876 F.3d 312, 319 (Hardie), quoting Wards Cove Packing Co. v. Atonio (1989) 490 U.S. 642, 658 (Wards Cove), italics added), the gentrification theory would be available—if at all—only when the low-income residents who are displaced by revitalization efforts are minorities. Thus, recognizing the group’s gentrification theory would obligate the City to “use[] and consider[]” race in making local planning decisions, and thus the group’s gentrification theory is not cognizable under the Fair Housing Act (and, by extension, the FEHA).

3 For this reason and others, we affirm the dismissal of the group’s gentrification-based claims under the Fair Housing Act and FEHA. In the unpublished portion of our opinion, we also affirm the dismissal of the group’s claim under the California Environmental Quality Act (CEQA) (Pub. Resources Code, § 21000 et seq.) as untimely. FACTS AND PROCEDURAL BACKGROUND I. Facts1 A. The Project In South Los Angeles, there is a 43-acre parcel of property, shaped somewhat like a shark’s dorsal fin, that is bounded on the north by 39th Street, on the east by Crenshaw Boulevard, on the south by Stocker Street, and on the west by Santa Rosalia Drive and Marlton Avenue; Martin Luther King Jr. Boulevard runs east-west through the center of the parcel. The parcel is currently home to the Baldwin Hills Crenshaw Plaza, which features an enclosed mall, a movie theatre, a few commercial establishments, a small amount of office space, and surface parking lots and parking structures; the parcel contains no residential dwellings. The Crenshaw/LAX light rail line, which currently is under construction, will eventually run through the parcel. Beginning in 2008 and after various proposals, three private entities—Capri Urban Baldwin, LLC; Capri Urban Crenshaw, LLC; and Capri Urban Rosalia, LLC (collectively, the

1 These facts are drawn from the operative third amended complaint as well as documents judicially noticed by the trial court.

4 developer)2—applied to the City to redevelop the parcel by leaving most of the mall and theatre intact, but demolishing a portion of the mall and the office space and constructing a “mixed-use” facility with a net floor area exceeding 3 million square feet (the Project). At the end of the 20-year lifespan of the Project’s construction, the Project would have 331,838 square feet of retail and restaurant space; 143,377 square feet of office space; a new, 400-room hotel; and 961 new residential units, comprised of 551 condominiums for purchase and 410 apartments for rent. Ultimately, the developer agreed to set aside 10 percent of each type of the residences for affordable housing—specifically, 5 percent of the condominiums would be available only to persons earning less than 50 percent of the area median income and another 5 percent would be available for members of the workforce earning at most 150 percent of the area median income; and 5 percent of the apartments would be available to persons earning less than 60 percent of the area median income and another 5 percent would be available to persons earning less than 80 percent of the area median income. The developer also agreed to hire 25 percent of the workforce used to build and operate the Project from the local community. B. The surrounding neighborhood The Project is “near” the Leimert Park neighborhood and within the “Crenshaw Corridor.” Together, these areas have “served as the political, cultural, and commercial heart of Black Los Angeles” since the 1960’s, and are one of the “last majority Black communities in the City of Los Angeles.” Census data indicates that in Leimert Park, 65 percent of the residents are

2 The parcel was subsequently purchased by HAAS BHCP Property Owner, LLC, which is now the developer.

5 Black and 25 percent of the residents are Latinx, and in the Crenshaw Corridor, 43 percent of the residents are Black and 47 percent of the residents are Latinx. C. Administrative proceedings 1. Department of City Planning The Los Angeles City Council has designated the Department of City Planning (the Department) as its “Advisory Agency” to approve vesting tentative tract maps for anticipated land use projects. (L.A. Mun.

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Crenshaw Subway Coalition v. City of L.A., Counsel Stack Legal Research, https://law.counselstack.com/opinion/crenshaw-subway-coalition-v-city-of-la-calctapp-2022.