Calhoun v. Cook

332 F. Supp. 804, 1971 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 12248
CourtDistrict Court, N.D. Georgia
DecidedJuly 28, 1971
DocketCiv. A. 6298
StatusPublished
Cited by12 cases

This text of 332 F. Supp. 804 (Calhoun v. Cook) is published on Counsel Stack Legal Research, covering District Court, N.D. Georgia primary law. Counsel Stack provides free access to over 12 million legal documents including statutes, case law, regulations, and constitutions.

Bluebook
Calhoun v. Cook, 332 F. Supp. 804, 1971 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 12248 (N.D. Ga. 1971).

Opinion

PER CURIAM.

This case is on remand from the Fifth Circuit, 443 F.2d 1174, with directions to require implementation of a pupil assignment plan in compliance with the principles of Swann v. Charlotte-Mecklenburg Board of Education, 402 U.S. 91 S.Ct. 1267, 28 L.Ed.2d 554 (April 20, 1971). Specifically, it directs only two changes: (1) The provision for majority-to-minority transfer with transportation and space being guaranteed under the option and (2) The filing of semi-annual *805 reports. United States v. Hinds County School Board, 433 F.2d 611 (5th Cir. 1970). After hearing on remand the court finds the following:

HISTORY

This ease is now in its thirteenth year before this court, having been filed in 1958. Atlanta in 1961-62 was one of the first major southern cities officially abandoning the dual school system. In its court experience, the original desegregation order was one of the few unappealed and assented to. Periodically as each new specific to Brown v. Topeka 1 was belatedly developed by the higher courts, the School Board has been returned to court and given new directions under such landmark cases as Jefferson 2 Green, 3 Singleton, 4 Montgomery County, 5 and Orange County. 6 Each has been accepted and promptly implemented. In the interim, the system voluntarily accelerated from the early concept of grade-by-grade annual integration to system-wide integration; it voluntarily and studiously located new schools and rezoned so as to maximize integration; it voluntarily liberalized its pupil-transfer plan; and in various ways increased responsibility for its black teaching personnel, principals, and area superintendents. Through court order, it has advanced from the initial requirement of two teachers of opposite race to each school to a computerized mathematical distribution of its faculty by race throughout the city; and from historical and traditional attendance zones to a court-supervised optimum Orange County plan. No one has successfully challenged the good faith of its elected Board of Education, the appointed Superintendent, Dr. John W. Letson, or of its administrative personnel throughout this uncertain decade. Its efforts were early described as “commendable” by the Supreme Court. Calhoun v. Latimer, 377 U.S. 263, 84 S.Ct. 1235, 12 L.Ed.2d 288 (1964). Each change has produced convulsive implosions within the system and what has now become the annual agony of Atlanta has caused significant change in the character of the system, both physically and psychologically.

When this suit began, Atlanta had a pupil ratio of 70% white and 30% black and a predominantly white faculty; today, its racial complexion has reversed to 70% black and 30% white and its 4,800 teachers are 60% black and 40% white. From an enrollment of 115,000 students it has dropped to 100,000 in the school year 1970-71, during which it lost 7,000 whites and gained 1,000 blacks. The system itself covers an area approximately 16 miles long and 14 miles wide lying in Fulton and a portion of DeKalb counties. The Atlanta City School System is a so-called “independent system” in that it is separately organized and operated from the county systems, each receiving direct grants from the state, supplemented by local tax funds. It is one of the 31 remaining independent city systems within the state. As such, it receives no state funds for transportation. It has never transported students, owns no busses, and there is no school “bus-sing” available. Based on information furnished by each principal as to location and times, the private Atlanta Transit System arranges routes to accommodate students at reduced fares provided by each student individually. *806 The system presently maintains 123 elementary/primary schools and 29 secondary schools, with two units to be opened this coming year.

The white students remaining are concentrated at the extreme northern and southern ends of the district, while the vast middle is a broad belt of industry and high-density solid black housing. The line between these areas is steadily creeping towards the ends, with increased black housing and diminished white housing. Since 1961, it has annually achieved substantial temporary integration by the establishment or construction of “line schools”. However, 34 of those schools have gone from all-white to 90% or more black during the period. This “tipping process” is so rapid that it sometimes occurs by the time a facility deliberately located to increase integration can be completed and occupied. Seldom does it last longer than two years. Since official desegregation in 1961, 24 new schools have been constructed, several of which have been especially built to serve federal housing developments in the inner city. Others were appropriated for such purposes. In spite of official laws and directives to the contrary, the bulk of such developments have been operated as all-black since inception. As a natural consequence, 29 schools provided for such “controlled situations” are substantially black. Enforcement of fair housing legislation under Jones v. Alfred H. Mayer Co., 392 U.S. 409, 88 S.Ct. 2186, 20 L.Ed.2d 1189 (1968), and Title VIII of the Civil Rights Act of 1968 will automatically integrate these zones. See Hightower v. West, 430 F.2d 552 at 556 (5th Cir. 1970).

The cause of such frustrating results lies in factors completely beyond the control of school authorities. Segregated housing, whether impelled by school changes or not, remains the unconquerable foe of the racial ideal of integrated public schools in the cities. The white flight to the suburbs and private schools continues. As far back as 1967, in an offshoot of this case involving the proposed construction of an all-black school in the heart of the black belt, the problem was accurately characterized by plaintiffs’ witnesses and the court as de facto rather than de jure. Griggs v. Cook, D.C., 272 F.Supp. 163, aff’d 384 F.2d 705 (5th Cir. 1967). The problem is no longer how to achieve integration, but how to prevent resegregation. Only last year, the parties and Judge Hooper for this court exhaustingly investigated possible remedies for over seven weeks of trial, culminating in the orders involved in this appeal and remand. Some of the fruits of those “best efforts” have already slightly soured in the face of evolutional de facto changes. Through it all, the Atlanta system has maintained a traditional position of leadership in the public schools. It remains at the top of the state in pay scale, curriculum development, and innovative efforts in quality education.

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332 F. Supp. 804, 1971 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 12248, Counsel Stack Legal Research, https://law.counselstack.com/opinion/calhoun-v-cook-gand-1971.