Ball v. Gilbert

53 Mass. 397
CourtMassachusetts Supreme Judicial Court
DecidedMarch 15, 1847
StatusPublished
Cited by8 cases

This text of 53 Mass. 397 (Ball v. Gilbert) is published on Counsel Stack Legal Research, covering Massachusetts Supreme Judicial Court primary law. Counsel Stack provides free access to over 12 million legal documents including statutes, case law, regulations, and constitutions.

Bluebook
Ball v. Gilbert, 53 Mass. 397 (Mass. 1847).

Opinion

Shaw, C. J.

We do not think it necessary, in this case, to enter on the general discussion whether, in this Commonwealth, a wager on an indifferent subject, in which the parties have no other interest than that created by the wager itself, is a legal contract, or one which may be enforced in a court of justice. . In England, it has been reluctantly held, until recently, and still is, unless changed by statute, that for an equal wager, upon an indifferent subject, depending upon a contingency, though of a trivial nature, an action may be maintained; Good v. Elliott, 3 T. R. 693; though in that case a very able dissenting opinion upon the general ground was given by Mr. Justice Buller.

But even in England, the general rule is held subject to so many restrictions and exceptions, that it remains applicable to very few cases. If the wager be upon a game or other trans action prohibited by law; if it draw into question the rights, feelings, interests or quiet of other persons ; if it promote any violation of law, or operate as an incitement to a breach of the peace ; if it be contrary to good morals or sound public policy, the wager is void. In Massachusetts, it is believed no action has been sustained upon a wager ; perhaps because none has been brought. We are not aware that there has been any direct adjudication on the subject. As far as judicial opinions have been indirectly expressed, they have been adverse to such an action. Amory v. Gilman, 2 Mass. 1. Babcock v. Thompson, 3 Pick. 446. And Chancellor Kent, in his Commentaries, considers the law so settled in Massachusetts. 3 Kent Com. (3d ed.) 278.

But it is perhaps useless to speculate upon the genera. [400]*400question of the legality of wagers, on indifferent subjects of. contingency. The more precise question here is, whether a wager upon the event of an election to a public office, depending upon popular suffrage in this Commonwealth, is valid, and constitutes a binding contract. It seems to ns sufficient to state the question. The answer is too obvious to admit of doubt. And it seems to us, that upon principle, such a wager is equally void, whether it be upon the election of an officer of the United States, of the state government, of a county, town, parish, or other aggregate corporation, depending on suffrage. The very theory of such popular institutions is, that the person elected to office is placed there by the free choice of the majority of persons free to inquire and judge, free to will and determine, and free to act with purity and intelligence, uninfluenced and unseduced by interested, sinister, or corrupt motives. If the persons voting act otherwise, they act without regard to the fitness of the candidate, or to their own sense of duty. Upon the practical maintenance of this theory, in its purity and perfection, or as near an approximation to it as the infirmities and vices of society will permit, depend the utility, the safety and the stability of all popular institutions, relying upon popular suffrage for their basis and operation. And it is obvious that the more extensive and general the right of suffrage is, the more easily it may be abused and perverted, and the more important it is that its purity should be guarded and preserved. The more general the right of suffrage, the smaller the proportion of power which the vote of each one carries, the more easily is it influenced, and, if voters should ever become venal, the smaller the price at which each can be influenced or controlled.

If one bet can be made on an election, many can be made. If small sums can be staked, large ones can. So that, on a great and exciting popular election, a large amount of money may depend on the result. All those who are acting together will have a common, and may have a large, pecuniary interest m the issue. And it is conformable to the most obvio is [401]*401principles of economy, and dictated by the common motive to human action, self-interest, that those who are to gain or lose a large sum of money, upon the happening of an event which is contingent, should make a reasonable outlay of money, to influence and bring about that event. This, therefore, they will be likely to do, without regard to the social and political merits of the election. It may happen — in fact it does often happen — that a few thousand, or even a few hundred, votes may decide the election of a State; and the election of a State may decide that of the Union. If a few thousand dollars will command or influence such a number of votes, would it not be presuming too much on pure, disinterested virtue, to believe that they would not be applied. And such influence is to be brought to bear, not merely on the few hundreds or thousands, who may turn the scale, but upon the whole body of voters, on both sides.

But money may be applied to effect the result, not only in the coarse, palpable and offensive form of bribery, by the direct purchase of votes, but in other modes quite as efficacious, and not less detrimental to the public interest. It may be applied, by the managers of the respective parties, to the provision of treats and other gratifications; to the opening of houses of entertainment, to which partisans may resort at free cost, where the passions may be stimulated, the moral sense perverted, and all (idea of social duty and personal responsibility overwhelmed in mere blind partisan feeling and desire of triumph, which lose sight of the object for which the right of suffrage is conferred. An election so influenced could not be regarded as the expressed will of an intelligent constituency ; it would violate the whole theory, on which the right of suffrage is founded, and destroy the confidence of all judicious persons in that particular power of the people, which has been regarded as the principal security for permanent, regulated, constitutional liberty. If it be true that wagers on elections would have any tendency to create such a pecuniary interest in their result, as we have no doubt they [402]*402have, we can have no hesitation in saying, that all such wagers are illegal and utterly void.

But the position here taken is well supported by authority. It was held, in England, that a wager on the event of an election of a member of parliament was void; but that was a bet between voters. Allen v. Hearn, 1 T. R. 56. So in Pennsylvania. M’Allister v. Hoffman, 16 S. & R. 147. Smith v. M’Masters, 2 Browne, 182. So in New York. The first case was that on an election in which the parties were voters; one party had voted, but by possibility the other party might have voted after the bet was made, and some stress was laid on this circumstance. Bunn v. Riker, 4 Johns. 426. Afterwards the same decision was given upon a bet made after the voting had closed, and it could not influence the particular result. Lansing v. Lansing, 8 Johns. 454. And the same decision, on general grounds, was made in several cases. Vischer v. Yates, 11 Johns. 23. Yates v Foot, and Denniston v. Cook, 12 Johns. 1, 376. Rust v Gott, 9 Cow. 169. The same doctrine has been held in Rhode Island and other States. In Rhode Island, an able opinion was given by Chief Justice Eddy, in the case of Stoddard v. Martin, 1 R. Isl. Rep. 1, and also stated in very good note in 9 Cow. 175.

Supposing, then, the contract to be illegal and absolutely void, what are the rights and obligations of the respective narties under it.

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Bluebook (online)
53 Mass. 397, Counsel Stack Legal Research, https://law.counselstack.com/opinion/ball-v-gilbert-mass-1847.