Askew v. City of Kinston

CourtSupreme Court of North Carolina
DecidedJune 28, 2024
Docket55A23
StatusPublished

This text of Askew v. City of Kinston (Askew v. City of Kinston) is published on Counsel Stack Legal Research, covering Supreme Court of North Carolina primary law. Counsel Stack provides free access to over 12 million legal documents including statutes, case law, regulations, and constitutions.

Bluebook
Askew v. City of Kinston, (N.C. 2024).

Opinion

IN THE SUPREME COURT OF NORTH CAROLINA

No. 55A23

Filed 28 June 2024

JOSEPH ASKEW, CHARLIE GORDON WADE III, and CURTIS WASHINGTON

v. CITY OF KINSTON, a municipal corporation

On appeal of right of a substantial constitutional question pursuant to

N.C.G.S. § 7A-30(1) of a unanimous decision of the Court of Appeals, 287 N.C. App.

222 (2022), vacating an order of summary judgment entered on 29 September 2021

by Judge Joshua Willey in Superior Court, Lenoir County, and remanding the case.

Heard in the Supreme Court on 9 April 2024.

Ralph T. Bryant, Jr., for plaintiffs-appellants.

Hartzog Law Group LLP, by Dan M. Hartzog Jr. and Katherine Barber-Jones, for defendant-appellee.

EARLS, Justice.

In Corum v. Univ. of N.C., 330 N.C. 761, 783 (1992), this Court “recognized a

direct action under the State Constitution against state officials for violation of rights

guaranteed by the Declaration of Rights.” The question in this case is whether

plaintiffs bringing Corum claims must exhaust administrative remedies before

entering the courthouse doors. The Court of Appeals said yes. Linking administrative

exhaustion to subject-matter jurisdiction, it held that a court cannot hear a Corum

suit unless the plaintiff first depleted all agency relief. Askew v. City of Kinston, 287 ASKEW V. CITY OF KINSTON

Opinion of the Court

N.C. App. 222, 230 (2022).

We reject that approach. Exhaustion of administrative remedies does not

dictate jurisdiction over Corum claims. That authority flows from the Constitution

itself. See Corum, 330 N.C. at 784. To ensure that North Carolinians “may seek to

redress all constitutional violations,” Corum creates a unique path into court when

existing channels fail to offer an adequate remedy. Craig v. New Hanover Cnty. Bd.

of Educ., 363 N.C. 334, 342 (2009).

The prospect of agency relief goes to an element of a Corum cause of action:

that the plaintiff lacks meaningful redress through “established claims and

remedies.” Corum, 330 N.C. at 784; see also Washington v. Cline, 898 S.E.2d 667, 671

(N.C. 2024). That issue is substantive rather than jurisdictional—it focuses on

whether Corum is the right vehicle for a claim, not a court’s power to act on it. In

Corum cases like this one, the question is whether the review and relief afforded by

the administrative process is an effective stand-in for a direct constitutional suit. See

id. Because the Court of Appeals substituted that case-by-case inquiry with a blanket

jurisdictional mandate, we vacate and remand.

I. Background

A. Kinston Crafts a Large-Scale Condemnation Plan

Plaintiffs Joseph Askew and Curtis Washington1 live and own property in the

1 At the start of this litigation, a third plaintiff—Gordon Wade III—joined Mr. Askew

and Mr. Washington in filing the complaint. Mr. Wade, however, voluntarily dismissed his claims without prejudice before the trial court granted summary judgment for Kinston.

-2- ASKEW V. CITY OF KINSTON

City of Kinston (Kinston). Plaintiffs are African American, and they allege that their

lots are in predominately African American neighborhoods. In 2017, Kinston

condemned two of Mr. Askew’s properties and one of Mr. Washington’s. Soon after, it

slated those properties for demolition.

Those condemnations were not isolated decisions—they were part of Kinston’s

renewed efforts to remove blighted buildings. In the early 2010s, Kinston began

razing “condemned, unsafe properties.” For several years, those properties were

“identified one-by-one” and “[d]emolitions proceeded when necessary.” Starting in

2017, however, Kinston adopted “a more targeted approach to improve the

appearance of neighborhoods.” It ramped up its efforts to “condemn[ ] and demolish[ ]

dilapidated, blighted houses and commercial buildings.” And that same year, it upped

demolition funding by 150%.

To make wise use of those new funds, Kinston’s planning department chose

150 properties “that met the criteria for condemnation” under “applicable statutes

and building code provisions.” The City narrowed that list to a “Top 50” to prioritize

for condemnation. According to Kinston, it chose those “Top 50” properties based on

factors like dilapidation and closeness to “a heavily travelled road.” The City also

used a technique called clustering—sites in “proximity to other qualifying” buildings

were grouped together as “part of a ‘cluster’ of dilapidated properties.” Identifying

and focusing on “clusters” ensured that “buildings close together were condemned”

and made “eligible for demolition around the same time.” As an added measure,

-3- ASKEW V. CITY OF KINSTON

Kinston asked its police department to “identify[ ] buildings [that] were especially

problematic.”

Later that year, the Kinston City Council met to review the “Top 50” list and

the criteria used to create it. During the meeting, council members “confirmed that

houses would be clustered to cut down on cost where possible.” Adam Short, Kinston’s

planning director, pointed the council to clusters in specific areas that were

candidates for large-scale condemnations. For instance, he flagged a grouping of lots

on Tower Hill Road as a “great starting point for clustering.” That area, Mr. Short

conceded in deposition, “is predominantly African American.” The council, with minor

revisions, approved the selection criteria and finalized the “Top 50” list. With that

blessing, Kinston moved forward with condemning and demolishing the “Top 50”

properties.

B. Plaintiffs Assert Racial Discrimination in Kinston’s Condemnation Selections

Plaintiffs offer a different perspective on Kinston’s condemnation scheme. In

their view, the City engaged in the “systematic destruction of African American

buildings” by using “the process for demolishing dilapidated properties in a racial[ly]

discriminatory manner.” They allege that Kinston singled out “buildings that are

owned by African Americans or buildings that exist in the African American

neighborhoods.” At the same time, they continue, Kinston ignored “buildings that are

in similar or worse state[s] of disrepair[ ] that have Caucasian property owners” and

are located “in the neighborhoods with predominately Caucasian residents.”

-4- ASKEW V. CITY OF KINSTON

Plaintiffs assert, for instance, that the City “has targeted the east side of Kinston

where African Americans primarily live.” But in “primarily Caucasian” areas—such

as “Mitchell Town, a historic district . . . on the west side of Kinston”—“very few or

any buildings are being demolished.” Though the City has funds to repair and

preserve historic properties, plaintiffs contend that it “distribute[s] those funds in a

racially disproportionate manner.” In their view, Kinston reserves those funds for

“historic buildings” in “predominately Caucasian neighborhoods, while

systematically destroying and denying the same financial assistance to African

American residents.”

Plaintiffs argue that the City’s “actionable double standard” was a conscious

scheme made possible by its “arbitrary selection process.” They allege that Kinston

“has no guidelines” for selecting properties to condemn and demolish. Instead,

plaintiffs contend, the City makes “arbitrary decisions” about which properties are

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