Arizona Dream Act Coalition v. Janice Brewer

855 F.3d 957, 2017 U.S. App. LEXIS 1919, 2017 WL 461503
CourtCourt of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit
DecidedFebruary 2, 2017
Docket15-15307
StatusPublished
Cited by68 cases

This text of 855 F.3d 957 (Arizona Dream Act Coalition v. Janice Brewer) is published on Counsel Stack Legal Research, covering Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit primary law. Counsel Stack provides free access to over 12 million legal documents including statutes, case law, regulations, and constitutions.

Bluebook
Arizona Dream Act Coalition v. Janice Brewer, 855 F.3d 957, 2017 U.S. App. LEXIS 1919, 2017 WL 461503 (9th Cir. 2017).

Opinions

ORDER

The court’s opinion filed on April 5, 2016, appearing at 818 F.3d 901 (9th Cir. 2016), is hereby amended. An amended opinion, including a concurrence by Judge Berzon, is filed herewith.

Judges Berzon and Christen voted to deny the petition for rehearing en banc, and Judge Pregerson so recommended.

The full court was advised of the petition for rehearing en banc. A judge requested a vote on whether to rehear the matter en banc. The matter failed to receive a majority of the votes of the nonrecused active judges in favor of en banc consideration. Fed. R. App. P. 35.

The petition for rehearing en banc is DENIED, and no further petitions for rehearing will be accepted.

Circuit Judge KOZINSKI, with whom Circuit Judges O’SCANNLAIN, BYBEE, CALLAHAN, BEA and N.R. SMITH join, dissenting from the denial of rehearing en banc:

At the crossroads between two presidents, we face a fundamental question of presidential power. President Obama ere-[958]*958ated, by executive memorandum, a sweeping new immigration program that gives the benefit of “deferred action” to millions of illegal immigrants who came to the United States before the age of sixteen. Deferred action confers no formal immigration status; it is simply a commitment not to deport. Arizona, like many states, does not issue drivers’ licenses to unauthorized aliens, and therefore refuses to issue drivers’ licenses to the program’s beneficiaries.

Does the Supremacy Clause nevertheless force Arizona to issue drivers’ licenses to the recipients of the President’s largesse? There’s no doubt that Congress can preempt state law; its power to do so in the field of immigration is particularly broad. But Congress never approved the deferred-action program: The President adopted it on his own initiative after Congress repeatedly declined to pass the DREAM Act — legislation that would have authorized a similar program. Undeterred, the panel claims that the President acted pursuant to authority “delegated to the executive branch” through the Immigration and Naturalization Act (INA). Amended op. at 972. According to the panel, Congress gave the President the general authority to create a sprawling new program that preempts state law, even though Congress declined to create the same program.

This puzzling new preemption theory is at odds with the Supreme Court’s preemption jurisprudence; it is, instead, cobbled together out of 35-year-old Equal Protection dicta. It is a theory that was rejected with bemusement by the district court, see Ariz. Dream Act Coal. v. Brewer, 945 F.Supp.2d 1049, 1057 (D. Ariz. 2013), only to be resurrected by the panel at the eleventh hour and buried behind a 3,000-word Equal Protection detour. It’s a theory that puts us squarely at odds with the Fifth Circuit, which held recently that “the INA flatly does not permit the [executive] reclassification of millions of illegal aliens as lawfully present and thereby make them newly eligible for a host of federal and state benefits.” Texas v. United States, 809 F.3d 134, 184 (5th Cir. 2015), aff'd by an equally divided court, — U.S. -, 136 S.Ct. 2271, 2272, 195 L.Ed.2d 638 (2016) (per curiam). And it’s a theory that makes no mention of the foundational principle of preemption law: Historic state powers are not preempted “unless that was the clear and manifest purpose of Congress.” Arizona v. United States, 567 U.S. 387, 132 S.Ct. 2492, 2501, 183 L.Ed.2d 351 (2012) (internal quotation omitted).

The opinion also buckles under the weight of its own ambiguities. The panel says repeatedly that Arizona has created “immigration classifications not found in federal law.” Amended op. at 974 n.8; see also id. at 975-76, 978. But Arizona follows federal law to the letter — that is, all laws passed by Congress and signed by the President. Thus, when the panel uses the term “law,” it means something quite different from what that term normally means: The panel in effect holds that the enforcement decisions of the President are federal law. Yet the lawfulness of the President’s policies is an issue that the panel bends over backward not to reach. See id. at 975-77. I am at a loss to explain how this cake can be eaten and yet remain on the plate: The President’s policies may or may not be “lawful” and may or may not be “law,” but are nonetheless part of the body of “federal law” that imposes burdens and obligations on the sovereign states. While the panel suggests other reasons to doubt Arizona’s response,1 the opinion’s [959]*959slippery preemption theory simply isn’t one of them. See, e.g., Noah Feldman, Obama’s Wobbly Legal Victory on Immigration, Bloomberg (Apr. 6, 2016) (describing the panel’s “precarious,” “tricky” and “funky” reasoning that is “vulnerable to reversal by the Supreme Court”).

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In the summer of 2012, the President directed his officers not to remove certain illegal immigrants who came to the United States before age sixteen. The program, Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA), did not clear any of the normal administrative-law hurdles; the memorandum announcing the program states that it “confers no substantive right, immigration status or pathway to citizenship” because “[o]nly the Congress, acting through its legislative authority, can confer these rights.” DHS Memorandum, Exercising Prosecutorial Discretion with Respect to Individuals Who Came to the United States as Children, June 15, 2012.

Arizona responded with an executive order of its own, stating, in apparent agreement with the DACA memorandum, that the new federal program “does not and cannot confer lawful or authorized status or presence upon the unlawful alien applicants.” Ariz. Exec. Order 2012-06. Because Arizona law requires that applicants for a driver’s license submit proof that then-presence is “authorized under federal law,” Ariz. Rev. Stat. § 28-3153(D) — and DACA “confers no substantive right [or] immigration status” — Arizona felt justified withholding licenses from illegal immigrants who happen to be DACA beneficiaries. Several DACA beneficiaries then sued Arizona, claiming, among other things, that the state’s policy was preempted.

The panel agrees, holding that Arizona’s policy “strayed into an exclusive domain that Congress, through the INA, delegated to the executive branch.” Amended op. at 972 (emphasis added); see also id. at 968. One might think that the panel would present especially strong evidence of congressional delegation, such as an express statement to that effect. After all, it’s rare enough to find that Congress has kept an entire field to itself, much less ceded one to the executive. And the bar that preemption must clear is both well-established and high: The historic police powers of states are not preempted “unless that was the clear and manifest purpose of Congress.” E.g., Arizona, 132 S.Ct. at 2501; Wyeth v. Levine, 555 U.S. 555, 565, 129 S.Ct. 1187, 173 L.Ed.2d 51 (2009); Medtronic, Inc. v. Lohr, 518 U.S. 470, 485, 116 S.Ct. 2240, 135 L.Ed.2d 700 (1996); Cipollone v. Liggett Grp., Inc., 505 U.S. 504, 516, 112 S.Ct. 2608, 120 L.Ed.2d 407 (1992); Rice v. Santa Fe Elevator Corp., 331 U.S.

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855 F.3d 957, 2017 U.S. App. LEXIS 1919, 2017 WL 461503, Counsel Stack Legal Research, https://law.counselstack.com/opinion/arizona-dream-act-coalition-v-janice-brewer-ca9-2017.