Virginia Uranium, Inc. v. Warren

587 U.S. 761, 139 S. Ct. 1894, 204 L. Ed. 2d 377, 2019 U.S. LEXIS 4177
CourtSupreme Court of the United States
DecidedJune 17, 2019
Docket16-1275
StatusPublished
Cited by114 cases

This text of 587 U.S. 761 (Virginia Uranium, Inc. v. Warren) is published on Counsel Stack Legal Research, covering Supreme Court of the United States primary law. Counsel Stack provides free access to over 12 million legal documents including statutes, case law, regulations, and constitutions.

Bluebook
Virginia Uranium, Inc. v. Warren, 587 U.S. 761, 139 S. Ct. 1894, 204 L. Ed. 2d 377, 2019 U.S. LEXIS 4177 (2019).

Opinion

C

If the AEA doesn't occupy the field of radiation safety in uranium mining, Virginia Uranium suggests the statute still displaces state law through what's sometimes called conflict preemption. In particular, the company suggests, Virginia's mining law stands as an impermissible "obstacle to the accomplishment and execution of the full purposes and objectives of Congress." Hines v. Davidowitz , 312 U. S. 52 , 67, 61 S.Ct. 399 , 85 L.Ed. 581 (1941). On Virginia Uranium's account, Congress sought to capture the benefits of developing nuclear power while mitigating its safety and environmental costs. And, the company contends, Virginia's moratorium disrupts the delicate "balance" Congress sought to achieve between these benefits and costs. Maybe the text of the AEA doesn't touch on mining in so many words, but its authority to regulate later stages of the nuclear fuel life cycle would be effectively undermined if mining laws like Virginia's were allowed.

A sound preemption analysis cannot be as simplistic as that. No more than in field preemption can the Supremacy Clause be deployed here to elevate abstract and unenacted legislative desires above state law; only federal laws "made in pursuance of" the Constitution, through its prescribed processes of bicameralism and presentment, are entitled to preemptive effect. Art. VI, cl. 2; ISLA Petroleum , 485 U. S. at 503 , 108 S.Ct. 1350 . So any "[e]vidence of pre-emptive purpose," whether express or implied, must therefore be "sought in the text and structure of the statute at issue." CSX Transp., Inc. v. Easterwood , 507 U. S. 658 , 664, 113 S.Ct. 1732 , 123 L.Ed.2d 387 (1993).

Sound and well-documented reasons underlie this rule too. Efforts to ascribe unenacted purposes and objectives to a federal statute face many of the same challenges as inquiries into state legislative intent. Trying to discern what motivates legislators individually and collectively invites speculation and risks overlooking the reality that individual Members of Congress often pursue multiple and competing purposes, many of which are compromised to *1908 secure a law's passage and few of which are fully realized in the final product. Hefty inferences may be required, as well, when trying to estimate whether Congress would have wanted to prohibit States from pursuing regulations that may happen to touch, in various degrees and different ways, on unenacted federal purposes and objectives. Worse yet, in piling inference upon inference about hidden legislative wishes we risk displacing the legislative compromises actually reflected in the statutory text-compromises that sometimes may seem irrational to an outsider coming to the statute cold, but whose genius lies in having won the broad support our Constitution demands of any new law. In disregarding these legislative compromises, we may only wind up displacing perfectly legitimate state laws on the strength of "purposes" that only we can see, that may seem perfectly logical to us, but that lack the democratic provenance the Constitution demands before a federal law may be declared supreme. See, e.g. , Pacific Gas , 461 U. S. at 222 , 103 S.Ct. 1713 (acknowledging that under the AEA "the promotion of nuclear power is not to be accomplished 'at all costs' "); Cyan, Inc. v. Beaver County Employees Retirement Fund , 583 U. S. ----, ---- - ----, 138 S.Ct. 1061 , 1072-1073, 200 L.Ed.2d 332 (2018) ; Aguillard , 482 U. S. at 636-639 , 107 S.Ct. 2573 (Scalia, J., dissenting); United States v. O'Brien , 391 U. S. 367 , 382-384, 88 S.Ct. 1673 , 20 L.Ed.2d 672 (1968) ; Fletcher v. Peck , 10 U.S. (6 Cranch) 87, 130, 10 U.S. 87 , 3 L.Ed. 162 (1810).

So it may be that Congress meant the AEA to promote the development of nuclear power. It may be that Congress meant the AEA to balance that goal against various safety concerns. But it also may be that Members of Congress held many other disparate or conflicting goals in mind when they voted to enact and amend the AEA, and many different views on exactly how to manage the competing costs and benefits. If polled, they might have reached very different assessments, as well, about the consistency of Virginia's law with their own purposes and objectives. The only thing a court can be sure of is what can be found in the law itself. And every indication in the law before us suggests that Congress elected to leave mining regulation on private land to the States and grant the NRC regulatory authority only after uranium is removed from the earth.

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Cite This Page — Counsel Stack

Bluebook (online)
587 U.S. 761, 139 S. Ct. 1894, 204 L. Ed. 2d 377, 2019 U.S. LEXIS 4177, Counsel Stack Legal Research, https://law.counselstack.com/opinion/virginia-uranium-inc-v-warren-scotus-2019.