United States v. Solis-Jordan, Jose

CourtCourt of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit
DecidedAugust 17, 2000
Docket99-3171
StatusPublished

This text of United States v. Solis-Jordan, Jose (United States v. Solis-Jordan, Jose) is published on Counsel Stack Legal Research, covering Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit primary law. Counsel Stack provides free access to over 12 million legal documents including statutes, case law, regulations, and constitutions.

Bluebook
United States v. Solis-Jordan, Jose, (7th Cir. 2000).

Opinion

In the United States Court of Appeals For the Seventh Circuit

No. 99-3171

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA,

Plaintiff-Appellee,

v.

JOSE SOLIS JORDAN,

Defendant-Appellant.

Appeal from the United States District Court for the Northern District of Illinois, Eastern Division. No. 97 CR 814--Blanche M. Manning, Judge.

Argued April 13, 2000--Decided August 17, 2000

Before FLAUM, Chief Judge, and HARLINGTON WOOD, JR. and DIANE P. WOOD, Circuit Judges.

HARLINGTON WOOD, JR., Circuit Judge. The ten issues on appeal range from the voluntariness of the defendant’s confession to "colonialism." Except for the defendant’s assertion that, as a colonial power, the courts of this country lack jurisdiction to try a citizen of Puerto Rico who has been charged with four related federal crimes committed in this country, there is nothing unusual about the other issues except for the context in which they arise. The defendant- appellant, Dr. Jose Solis Jordan ("Solis"), is a professor of educational philosophy at the University of Puerto Rico, San Juan, Puerto Rico, but was residing in Chicago, Illinois at the time of the alleged offenses. He was charged for his role in the bombing of a military recruitment center in Chicago, with one count of conspiracy to commit offenses against the United States in violation of 18 U.S.C. sec. 371, two counts of attempted destruction of government property in violation of 18 U.S.C. sec. 844(f), and one count of illegal possession of explosives in violation of 26 U.S.C. sec. 5861(d). The defendant was found guilty on all counts by a jury on July 13, 1999. Before examining the specific issues, we will set them in an evidentiary context. The defendant argues, among other things, that the evidence was insufficient to prove his involvement. I. BACKGROUND

The story begins in 1992 when Jose Lopez, the head of Chicago’s Puerto Rican Cultural Center ("PRCC"), asked Rafael Marrero to form a clandestine political organization advocating independence for Puerto Rico from the United States to be accomplished, if necessary, by violent means. That organization came to be known as the Frente Revolucionario Boricua/1 ("FRB"). Beginning in 1988, Marrero worked at the Puerto Rican Alternative High School in Chicago. He had joined the Movimiento de Liberacion Nacional/2 ("MLN") which was already advocating Puerto Rican independence. Marrero was a member of MLN’s propaganda endeavors under Lopez. The objectives of MLN were to promote Puerto Rico’s independence from the United States, but also to secure the release by the United States of individuals referred to as "political prisoners." The "political prisoners" were those individuals who had been convicted in federal court of acts of violence against the United States government. Their convictions, among other things, were for armed robbery, attempted kidnapping, and bombing of government facilities, all claimed to be an effort to gain independence for Puerto Rico.

According to Marrero, he and Lopez began discussing the use of violence in their political efforts. Lopez told Marrero that an "experiment" had been approved at the highest levels of the MLN to "test the waters" with violence to see if it would cause a positive reaction in favor of the "political prisoners." The target to be chosen would be a military, government, or financial institution. Lopez instructed Marrero to contact Dr. Solis.

Marrero had met Dr. Solis in 1989 at an MLN- sponsored protest march in New York. They became better acquainted when Dr. Solis moved to Chicago in 1991. Lopez told Marrero that Dr. Solis could be trusted. Dr. Solis had pressed Lopez on the use of violence to achieve Puerto Rican independence, inquiring why violence had not been used previously. Marrero and Dr. Solis, according to Marrero’s testimony, began to discuss political targets, with Dr. Solis suggesting the use of a bomb. Recruiting others to help was discussed. Dr. Solis advised that the FRB’s membership should not exceed five in order to avoid suspicion. Dr. Solis recommended his wife be selected as one of the five, but Marrero instead recommended two others as recruits, Edward Brooks and Diana Vasquez, both supporters of the Puerto Rican independence movement. Brooks was already acquainted with Dr. Solis as they had worked together on the radio to raise public awareness of the Puerto Rican "political prisoners" and Puerto Rican independence. Brooks later testified at trial that the FRB was to plan for some type of violent and illegal act.

In the spring of 1992, the FRB had its first meeting. Marrero explained the FRB’s purpose. Dr. Solis emphasized secrecy. The meetings continued from time to time. Dr. Solis demonstrated technical knowledge about bomb construction and became the group’s instructor. He provided manuals and other materials along with illustrations to explain the bomb manufacturing process. Dr. Solis made some small test bombs of different kinds from different materials, being careful not to leave fingerprints on the parts. Marrero testified that Dr. Solis had constructed a pipe bomb which he tested in a Chicago-area forest preserve. Based on Dr. Solis’s knowledge and experiments, he recommended to the group that a time-delay pipe bomb be made and used.

Marrero testified that the plans for the actual bombing then proceeded. The date of July 25, 1992, was first chosen because it was the anniversary of the initial landing of United States troops in Puerto Rico, but that date came and went. October 12, 1992 was then chosen because it was the 500th anniversary of Columbus’s landing in this hemisphere. Specific bombing sites were discussed, including the Dirksen Federal Building (which houses this court), but it was considered too difficult. The Citibank building in Chicago was then surveilled as a possible target. It was claimed the bank had taken advantage of the Puerto Rican people./3 Plans for the bank site advanced to the point where Dr. Solis sketched the bank building and drafted a "communique."/4 The communique was to be left at the bomb site so the public would know that the bombing was in support of Puerto Rican independence. However, that plan was abandoned as the group broke ranks. Brooks withdrew from the FRB both because he was under pressure from his girlfriend and because he was not personally enthusiastic about the use of violence. After Brooks’s departure, the others decided they should continue anyway, but with a new target. It was Dr. Solis, Marrero testified, who suggested the new target, a particular military recruiting office in Chicago. The basis for the recommendation of Dr. Solis was that the recruiting station was secluded and had no security cameras. The group’s bombing plans then went ahead, concentrating on the recruiting station.

With the planning and testing complete, Dr. Solis, Marrero, and Vasquez prepared for the actual bombing. The new date was to be December 10, 1992, International Human Rights Day. After surveilling the recruiting station, they decided to place one pipe bomb in front of the recruiting station and another under a government car at the site. The bombs would be placed late at night so they would detonate early in the morning. Dr. Solis would do the driving and Marrero and Vasquez would plant the bombs and leave the communique. This routine was rehearsed several times. The communique to be left at the site was drafted by Dr. Solis and Marrero. Marrero and Dr. Solis constructed the two bombs at Dr. Solis’s home using propane tanks, pipes, gun powder, clocks, and other materials.

On the night of December 9, 1992, Dr. Solis picked up Marrero and returned to Dr. Solis’s home for the bombs, then picked up Vasquez at her home. Riding in the back seat, Marrero placed the battery caps on the devices to activate them.

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