United States Ex Rel. Lowe v. Fisher

223 U.S. 95, 32 S. Ct. 196, 56 L. Ed. 364, 1912 U.S. LEXIS 2218
CourtSupreme Court of the United States
DecidedJanuary 29, 1912
Docket445
StatusPublished
Cited by18 cases

This text of 223 U.S. 95 (United States Ex Rel. Lowe v. Fisher) is published on Counsel Stack Legal Research, covering Supreme Court of the United States primary law. Counsel Stack provides free access to over 12 million legal documents including statutes, case law, regulations, and constitutions.

Bluebook
United States Ex Rel. Lowe v. Fisher, 223 U.S. 95, 32 S. Ct. 196, 56 L. Ed. 364, 1912 U.S. LEXIS 2218 (1912).

Opinion

Mr. Justice McKenna

delivered the opinion of. the court.

The case involvés the question whether the Secretary of the Interior, after due hearing, and after having made up a'roll of citizens of the Five Civilized Tribes of Indians- and after having issued certificates of allotment to the enrolled Indians, may strike their names from the roll after *97 giving due notice, of his intended action and an opportunity to be heard.

The case arose upon the ,exercise of such power by the Secretary and an action of mandamus to require him to cancel his action. To the answer of the Secretary the Supreme Court of the District of Columbia sustained a. demurrer and entered a judgment in accordance with the prayer, of the petition. ' The Court of Appeals reversed the judgment. On return of the case to the Supreme Court the relators elected to stand on their demurrer and the court dismissed their petition. This action was affirmed by the Court of Appeals and the case was then brought here.

It was decided in Garfield v. Goldsby, 211 U. S. 249, that the Secretary had no such power without notice to the parties concerned and an opportunity to be heard.. These conditions were performed in the present case, and, so far, the case is distinguished from the Goldsby■ Case. The power of the Secretary upon the rehearing under the applicable statutes is now to be considered.

The relators base their right of enrollment on Article IX of the Cherokee treaty of August 11, 1866 (14 Stat; 799), the material part of which is as follows: “They [Cherokee Nation] further agree that all freedmen who have been liberated by voluntary act of their former owners or by law, as well as all free colored persons .who were in the country at the commencement of the rebellion, and are now resident therein, or who may return within six months, and their descendants, shall-have all the rights of native Cherokees.”' It was found by the Secretary of the Interior that relators were descendants of liberated slaves, but he also found that their ancestors had not returned to the Cherokee Nation within six months of the date of the treaty, August 11, 1866. This must be assumed to be the fact, for it is alleged in the answer and admitted by the demurrer. Two propositions - of law are, however, urged *98 by relators: (1) that the requirement of a réturn within the time designated applies only to free colored persons; and (2) that the Secretary having, on November 16, 1904, approved a list of, Cherokee freedmen, containing the names of relators, on the ground that their ancestors had complied with the provision for -return to the Nation, had no power to cancel their names.

(1) Article-IX of the treaty is úndoubtedly ambiguous, and to support their construction of it relators trace its genesis to the compulsion exercised on the Cherokee Nation by the United States for its espousal of- the cause of the Confederacy during the Civil War. The Indians, it is said, were regarded as having forfeited their treaty rights, but the United States were willing to renew relations with them, stipulating, among other things, that-“the institution of slavery, which has existed among several of the tribes, must be forthwith abolished, and measures taken for the unconditional emancipation of all persons held in bondage, and for their incorporation into the. tribes'on an equal footing with the original members, or suitably provided for,”

The Indians resisted the conditions, and replied that it would not be for the benefit of the emancipated negro, nor for the Indians, to incorporate the former into the several tribes on an equal footing with the original members. They conceded, however, that the emancipated ■negro must be suitably provided for, and subsequently the Choctaws suggested that white persons should be excluded from their Territory, and that “no person of African descent, except our former slaves, or free persons of color who are now, or have been, residents of the Territory, will be permitted t.o reside in the Territory, unless formerly incorporated with some tribe, according to. th.e usage of the band.”

The Seminóles answered to the same effect, and asked that Article III be changed to admit only colored persons *99 lately held in bondage by them and free persons of color residing in the Nation previous to the rebellion,, to a residence among them, and adoption in the Seminole tribe upon some plan to be agreed upon by them and approved by the Government. “We are willing,” they said, “to provide for the colored people of our. own Nation, but do not desire "our lands to become colonization grounds for the negroes of other States and Territories.” The Creeks expressed this in the samé way, and the relators further adduce, as supporting their construction of Article IX, that the commission which negotiated the treaty, reporting' on it officially, said: “Slavery is.abolished and the full rights of the freedmen are acknowledged.”

The history of Article IX, therefore, it is insisted, shows that the article consummated the purpose. t In other words, when the Indians realized that they must provide for negroes, they limited their .concession “to former slaves and then to any other negroes who had been in the Indian country at the outbreak of the war and might return within a short time after peace to make their home in the Indian Territory, thereby preventing a general influx of negroes who might seek free land.” And the right to land, it is pointed out, was the consequence to be apprehended, as “lawful residence in the Indian Territory meant the right to occupy land.”

It is further contended that the Chérokées acted upon the treaty practically.in accordance with this construction of it, and that it was not until many .years after that they “sought to refine it away and abrogate it in effect.” They accepted it reluctantly, it is said, and subsequently contended that it conferred civil, not property, rights and passed what was known as the “Blood Bill,” by which they sought to exclude all but native Cherokees by blood-from participation in a large payment of funds which was about to be made. This gave rise to controversy, and Congress passed an act conferring jurisdiction on the *100 Court of. Claims to settle the matter. The act is entitled “An act to refer to the Court of Claims certain claims of .the Shawnee and Delaware Indians and the freedmen of .the Cherokee Nation, and for other purposes.” It was approved October 1, 1890 (26 Stat.. 636, c. 1249). The Cherokee freedmen whose rights were to be determined under the act were those who “settled and located in the Cherokee Nation under the provisions and stipulations of article nine” of the treaty. '

The court decided that under the Cherokee constitution.of 1866 the freedmen became citizens equally with the Cherokees and equally interested in the common property and equally entitled to share in its.proceeds per capita. But the court did not attempt an analysis of § 5 of the constitution nor of Article IX of the treaty (they are alike.) but defined the rights of the freedmen and the. free negroes in the language of the constitution and'thé article.

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Bluebook (online)
223 U.S. 95, 32 S. Ct. 196, 56 L. Ed. 364, 1912 U.S. LEXIS 2218, Counsel Stack Legal Research, https://law.counselstack.com/opinion/united-states-ex-rel-lowe-v-fisher-scotus-1912.