The Isle of Mull

257 F. 798, 1919 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 835
CourtDistrict Court, D. Maryland
DecidedMarch 26, 1919
StatusPublished
Cited by8 cases

This text of 257 F. 798 (The Isle of Mull) is published on Counsel Stack Legal Research, covering District Court, D. Maryland primary law. Counsel Stack provides free access to over 12 million legal documents including statutes, case law, regulations, and constitutions.

Bluebook
The Isle of Mull, 257 F. 798, 1919 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 835 (D. Md. 1919).

Opinion

ROSE, District Judge.

The libelant is a corporation of New York; the respondent, of the United Kingdom. The former will be called the charterer; the latter, the owner.

On January 7, 1914, the owner’s British steamship Isle of Mull entered upon the 5-year term of service with the charterer, contracted for by a charter made on the 19th of the preceding May. On the 11th of July, 1915, at Bilboa, Spain, upon demand of those assuming to act for the British Admiralty, the owner placed the ship at the service of that department of the British government, and so far as the record shows or suggests it remained in that service until after the chartered term expired on January 7, 1919.

The charterer, after the ship was taken over by the Admiralty, continued to tender the charter hire, which the owner refused to receive.

By its libel, the charterer charges that the owner repudiated the charter party. It said that such use of the ship as the charter promised it, from July 11, 1915, to the end of the charter term, was reasonably worth to it £5,110 a month. The charter hire was £1,370. Its loss was therefore at the monthly rate of £3,740, which, for the 41 months and 27 days of the 5 years unexpired, from the 11th day of July, 1915, amounted to about £156,597 8s.

The charter contained the usual restraint of princes clause, but the charterer says that for two reasons that proviso has nothing to [800]*800do with the case: Because (1) it asserts that those who attempted to requisition the ship did not have, and could not be given, the power to act for the Admiralty in such a matter; and (2) that neither the Admiralty nor any other executive department of the British government had any legal áuthority to requisition a British ship not in a British port, or in waters adjacent thereto. Of these, in their order.

[1] In the first instance, the requisition was made by a firm of Admiralty agents. For anything which is shown to the contrary, they, and they alone, decided that this particular steamship should be requisitioned, rather than another, or none at all. If the owner had refused to pay any attention to their orders, some more formal action by the Admiralty itself would doubtless have been required before resort could have been had to any coercive measures; but in point of fact the owner, supposing that the agents were speaking for the Admiralty, did what it was told to do, and in a few days the Admiralty ratified what had been done in its name. It has ever since given orders as to the use of the ship, and has made monthly payments to the owner therefor. What was done must be held to have been an act of the Admiralty.

[2] It is admitted that there was no legislative authority to requisition British ships in foreign ports or waters, and that, assuming, in the absence of statute, it was competent for the crown to take over such ships against the consent of their owners, no order in Council or royal proclamation had empowered any one to requisition vessels so situated. The owner, however, contends that the power so to do has been a prerogative of the crown for upwards of 700 years, and while for more than two centuries immediately preceding the outbreak of the World War it had not been used, it had never been surrendered, nor had it legally become obsolete, and that it may be and was properly exercised through the Lord Commissioners for executing the office of the Lord High Admiral of the United Kingdom.

The discussion of this question, found in the record in the form of depositions by experts in the constitutional and legal history of England, not only exhibits a wealth of learning, but is extremely interesting as well. It was conducted by confessed masters of the subject. Prof. Holdsworth, the distinguished historian of the English Law, and Mr. Dunlop, for seven years standing counsel to the Commissioners of the Admiralty, were of the opinion that tire prerogative existed, while Sir Henry Erie Richards, professor of International Law at Oxford, and Mr. Marus Warre Slade, a well-known specialist in such matters, were as firmly persuaded that it did not. It is doubtful if there anywhere exists anybody else as well qualified to speak on the disputed question as are these four gentlemen. It is safe to say that there are none better informed upon it, and yet they are equally divided. They have produced copies of royal writs issued as early as the first decade of the thirteenth century, when John was king, and before the barons at Runnymede had forced from him the Great Charter. They have learnedly discussed that Case of the Ship Money which for well-nigh 300 years has made Hampden famous among the champions of constitutional liberty. They have carried the [801]*801story down to the Restoration, through the days of the Commonwealth, and have told how Blake, when about to attack the Portuguese for the countenance they were giving to the disorderly sailors of Prince Rupert, took possession in the Tagus, or at its mouth, of nine British ships under charter to the Portuguese, and bound for the Brazils.

All agree that in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries the .prerogative, if it existed, was not exercised. Those who believe that it still lives explain that there had been no occasion to resort to it after merchant ships were no longer useful as units of the battle fleet, and before the days when England, depending on oversea transit for her very existence, was forced to struggle with submarine attacks upon her commerce. Their equally learned adversaries assert that the writs which are cited as evidence that the prerogative of Plantagenet, Tudor, and Stuart extended so far, were all or nearly all addressed to the Cinque Ports or other places which held property or franchises from the crown upon tenure of serving the king with ships, as the great body of the tenants in chief did upon tenure of military service, and that, upon the abolition of feudal tenures by the Restoration Parliament, these rights necessarily became obsolete. No one, it seems, questions the power of the crown to requisition a British ship in British ports, or in the waters adjacent thereto, and as early as the 3d of August, 1914, the day before England declared war, a royal proclamation announced Orders in Council authorizing the requisition of ships in such ports and waters.

The libelant’s experts assert that such of the writs as were not merely calls upon the liege towns for their feudal duty were directions to seize ships in English ports, including in such ports not unnaturally those in France, which then owed allegiance to the British crown, such as to Bayonne in 1345, part of the more than princely dower which, nearly two centuries before, Eleanor of Guienne had brought to Henry of Anjou, and which for more than 100 years longer was to remain faithful in its allegiance to England’s kings, or to Calais in 1452, a date midway between its conquest by Edward HI and its loss by that Mary whom her contemporaries sometimes called “Bloody.”

Sir Walter Scott was himself well grounded in ancient lore. In his account in the Antiquary of the dispute between Jonathan Old-buck and Sir Arthur Wardour as to the racial affinities of the Piets, he has caricatured the difficulties in the way of reaching definite conclusions. upon such controversies as that which occupies so much of the present record. As a rule, we know little or nothing at all of the circumstances surrounding the issue and enforcement of any of the ancient documents produced.

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Bluebook (online)
257 F. 798, 1919 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 835, Counsel Stack Legal Research, https://law.counselstack.com/opinion/the-isle-of-mull-mdd-1919.