Solomon v. Dechert LLP

CourtDistrict Court, District of Columbia
DecidedSeptember 18, 2023
DocketCivil Action No. 2022-3137
StatusPublished

This text of Solomon v. Dechert LLP (Solomon v. Dechert LLP) is published on Counsel Stack Legal Research, covering District Court, District of Columbia primary law. Counsel Stack provides free access to over 12 million legal documents including statutes, case law, regulations, and constitutions.

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Solomon v. Dechert LLP, (D.D.C. 2023).

Opinion

UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT FOR THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA

JONATHAN SOLOMON,

Plaintiff, v. Civil Action No. 22-3137 (JEB) DECHERT LLP, et al.,

Defendants.

MEMORANDUM OPINION

Jonathan “Jay” Solomon, former chief foreign-affairs correspondent for the Wall Street

Journal, was no stranger to having his name appear in the news, although he was more

accustomed to showing up in the byline than in the headlines. That all changed in June 2017,

when a story broke accusing him of maintaining an improper business relationship with one of

his sources, prompting the Journal to fire him. Plaintiff has brought this suit against multiple

individuals and businesses allegedly responsible for leaking his communications with that

source. He claims that Defendants embarked on a campaign to discredit and silence him and are

thus liable under a number of statutes, including the Racketeering Influenced and Corrupt

Organizations Act and the Computer Fraud and Abuse Act.

Now that certain Defendants — including a prominent law firm — have been dismissed,

those remaining are two groups of alleged hackers and one communications consulting firm and

its employees. They now separately move to dismiss all of Solomon’s claims. As the Court

agrees that the Amended Complaint does not adequately allege the elements of his federal

causes of action, it will dismiss those counts and decline to exercise supplemental jurisdiction

over his state-law claims.

1 I. Background

At this stage, the Court sets forth the facts as pled in the Complaint, assuming them to be

true. See Sparrow v. United Air Lines, Inc., 216 F.3d 1111, 1113 (D.C. Cir. 2000). They read

in certain parts like a mashup of elements from international TV thrillers “The Bureau” and

“Tehran.” Solomon was the chief foreign-affairs correspondent for the Journal’s Washington,

D.C., bureau for nearly two decades, where he “covered national security and U.S. foreign

policy.” ECF No. 47 (Am. Compl.), ¶ 11. Though a resident of the District, Solomon had

postings in the Middle East and various regions of Asia. Id.

In 2013, he “broke news on a money laundering scheme designed to help Iran evade

U.S. sanctions.” Id., ¶¶ 11, 34. His reporting was based on two types of sources. The first was

a series of briefings by “American and Israeli intelligence officials,” from whom Solomon

learned that Iran was attempting to circumvent American sanctions and launder money by

having “three moneymen for the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (‘IRGC’)” purchase

various businesses within the Republic of Georgia. Id., ¶ 33. One of these transactions, and the

one most critical to this case, involved a Georgian hotel sold to these moneymen by Sheikh

Saud, the ruler of Ras Al Khaimah, one of the seven United Arab Emirates. Id. Solomon’s

other source was Farhad Azima, an international businessman, whom Plaintiff describes as

“critical” to his reporting. Id., ¶¶ 33, 37. Azima helped broker some of the above-mentioned

transactions and “at the time was on good terms with Sheikh Saud.” Id., ¶ 33.

Following the publication of Plaintiff’s story, the Georgian government took swift action

to prevent Iran from carrying out its unlawful scheme. It reportedly began requiring visas for

Iranian nationals in July 2013 and also “froze 150 Iranian bank accounts in the country” around

the same time. Id., ¶ 34. The U.S. Treasury Department also got involved, placing the three

2 IRGC moneymen on the sanctions list in early 2014. Id., ¶ 58. These counter-responses

consequently prevented Sheikh Saud from selling his Georgian hotel, upending what appears to

have been a lucrative deal and exposing him to potential legal penalties by the United States for

sanctions evasion. Id., ¶ 34 Solomon believes that his reporting and the subsequent reaction it

inspired led Saud to see him as a “person of concern” around this time. Id.

The people Saud was really worried about, however, were Azima and his purported co-

conspirators. The Sheikh came to suspect that Azima was working for and with, inter alia,

Khater Massaad, the former CEO of Ras Al Khaimah Investment Authority (RAKIA), as well

as one of the Sheikh’s brothers to “remove [him] with the assistance of Abu Dhabi.” Id., ¶ 59;

see also id., ¶ 60 (“[The Sheikh] identified Mr. Azima as . . . a significant threat.”). In an effort

to “eliminate any threats they and/or others posed to his power,” Saud retained a team of

lawyers from Dechert LLP that included David Gerrard and David Hughes. Id., ¶ 60. Under

the guise of investigating fraudulent activity at RAKIA during Massaad’s tenure, the Dechert

team allegedly embarked on shocking conduct far beyond the pale for attorneys. See id., ¶ 36

(alleging that enterprise comprising Dechert lawyers engaged in “fraud, human rights abuses,

kidnappings, torture, extortion,” and “attacks against the free press,” among other acts of

intimidation).

Their opening act, according to Solomon, was the kidnapping and illegal detention of

Jordanian businessman Karam Al Sadeq. Id., ¶¶ 61, 64. On September 2014, Al Sadeq was

forcibly taken from his home and interrogated by Gerrard and Hughes. Id., ¶ 64. They sought

to get Al Sadeq to (falsely) confess that Azima and his co-conspirators had committed various

kinds of fraud against RAKIA and Sheikh Saud. Id., ¶¶ 68–69. Gerrard and Hughes allegedly

threatened Al Sadeq and his wife, and they also kept him in solitary confinement at an

3 unofficial prison site to coerce him into giving up any information he had on Azima. Id., ¶¶ 64,

67–68. Al Sadeq eventually broke and “signed statements confessing to his involvement in

alleged fraud,” and he remains in jail today despite promises that he would be set free if he

confessed. Id., ¶¶ 70–71.

Azima learned of this treatment of Al Sadeq later in 2014, and he tried to expose these

“human rights abuses” and the Dechert lawyers’ role. Id., ¶ 73. It was at this point that Azima

became the focus of the Dechert team’s efforts to protect Sheikh Saud and themselves from

criticism. Id., ¶¶ 73–74. The team joined up with Defendants Andrew Frank and Amir

Handjani — the president of KARV Communications, Inc. and a special advisor at KARV,

respectively — to devise a plan to “go after” Azima. Id., ¶ 74. Initially, they planned to harm

him by filing civil and criminal lawsuits against him to “cause him to incur significant financial

damages” and by planting negative stories about him in the media. Id., ¶ 75.

To this strategy was added the “hack and dump scheme” that is the crux of the case at

hand. Id., ¶ 78. The scheme, in essence, was to hack Azima’s email accounts and post his

communications with third parties elsewhere on the internet where agents of Dechert could

retrieve them. The enterprise set up at least three separate teams to assist in this effort. (The

reader may take comfort in knowing that, while it is important to detail the alleged scheme in

this RICO case, keeping all the Defendants straight is not critical to the resolution of the

Motion.) The first team, which included Defendants Nicholas Del Rosso and his company,

Vital Management Services, Inc., was tasked with gaining access to Azima’s email account and

dumping tranches of his data onto online locations that could then be accessed by the other

teams. Id.

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