Namazi v. Islamic Republic of Iran

District Court, District of Columbia·Decided July 7, 2026·No. Civil Action No. 2024-3506·Published

Opinion

UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT FOR THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA

SIAMAK NAMAZI & MOHAMMAD BAQUER NAMAZI,

Plaintiffs, v. Civil Action No. 24-3506 (JEB)

ISLAMIC REPUBLIC OF IRAN,

Defendant.

MEMORANDUM OPINION

When Siamak Namazi flew to Iran to attend a funeral in July of 2015, he could hardly have imagined that the four-day trip he had planned would turn into an eight-year ordeal ending only in a prisoner swap. Nor could he have suspected that his elderly father, Mohammad Baquer Namazi, would join him in prison in February of the following year. Siamak and Baquer Namazi, summarily convicted on charges relating to their ties to the United States, where they are citizens, were detained, interrogated, and tortured by the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps in the infamous Evin Prison for eight and two years, respectively. Father and son now seek to hold Iran liable for damages under the terrorism exception to the Foreign Sovereign Immunities Act. The Court entered default last year because Iran failed to appear.

Because Plaintiffs have successfully navigated the FSIA’s many procedural prerequisites and sufficiently demonstrated Iran’s liability under the Act’s federal cause of action, they have earned a default judgment. Apportioning damages is less straightforward, but the Court ultimately finds appropriate the awarding of $87,552,284 in compensatory and punitive damages to Siamak Namazi and $34,236,889 to Baquer Namazi, totaling $121,789,173 in damages.

I. Background At this stage, the Court draws on the uncontroverted facts alleged in and supported by Plaintiffs’ filings. Roth v. Islamic Republic of Iran, 78 F. Supp. 3d 379, 386 (D.D.C. 2015).

Siamak Namazi was born in Iran about seven years before the Iranian Revolution. See ECF No. 7 (Am. Compl.), ¶ 12. His father, Baquer Namazi, had been a provincial governor under the Shah’s government. Id., ¶ 15. (The Court will refer to Plaintiffs by their first names to avoid confusion and not out of any disrespect.) As post-revolutionary Iran took shape, their family of four fled the country in the early 1980s and settled in the United States, where Baquer was naturalized as a U.S. citizen in 1989, followed by Siamak in 1993. Id., ¶¶ 12, 15; ECF No. 19-3 (Declaration of Mohammad Baquer Namazi), ¶¶ 2, 12. Baquer continued his public service outside of Iran, working with UNICEF on development and conflict issues in Africa for over a decade. See Baquer Decl., ¶ 14. He went home to Iran during reformist Mohammad Khatami’s presidency to support the founding of a civil-society organization, left the country again sometime after the 2005 election of Mahmud Ahmedinejad turned the political tides, and returned once more a couple years later after assurances of safety. Id., ¶¶ 18–19.

Meanwhile, after earning his bachelor’s degree in the United States, Siamak launched an international career of his own that also repeatedly brought him back home to Iran: he completed his compulsory service in Iran’s Ministry of Housing and Urban Planning from 1994 to 1996, returned to the U.S. for a master’s degree, and proceeded to assume various private-sector positions in the U.S., Iran, and Dubai. See Am. Compl., ¶¶ 12–13. In addition to his private- sector career, he held fellowships at the Center for Strategic and International Studies in 2001, the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in 2005, and the National Endowment for Democracy from 2005 to 2006. Id., ¶ 12; ECF No. 19-2 (Declaration of Siamak Namazi), ¶ 11.

These affiliations did not escape the notice of the Iranian government, which interrogated him about them in 2007. See Siamak Decl., ¶ 11. After earning an MBA in London in 2011, he returned to the United Arab Emirates, where he rose to lead strategic planning at an energy company. See Am. Compl., ¶¶ 13–14.

By 2013, Siamak had resumed traveling to Iran for short stays, planning one such trip for four days in July of 2015. Id. During that trip, he attended a funeral and visited with family and friends before beginning his journey back to Dubai. Id., ¶ 21. As he approached passport control in Tehran’s airport, however, he was surrounded by plainclothes IRGC guards, who flashed a phony “exit ban” and whisked him away for questioning regarding those same NGO affiliations over which he had been interrogated — and cleared of any wrongdoing — nearly a decade prior. Id., ¶¶ 19–20, 22–23. He was forced into a car in the parking lot, and his devices and passports were confiscated. Id., ¶ 23. Released on instructions not to leave Tehran, he was questioned at least every few days for the next three months at unpredictable times in unmarked locations. Id., ¶¶ 25–27. The IRGC’s tactics then escalated, with staged arrest scenes and even a two-hour false detention at Evin Prison, Iran’s most notorious. Id., ¶¶ 29–32. All of this was foreshadowing: on October 13, 2015, after another interrogation summons, Siamak was handcuffed, blindfolded, and thrown into a solitary-confinement cell measuring three yards by one-and-a-half in Evin Prison. Id., ¶¶ 33, 36.

On February 22 of the following year, Siamak was joined there by his father, Baquer.

Id., ¶ 40. Baquer had been traveling overseas when he was lured back to Tehran by the false promise of visiting his imprisoned son. Id., ¶¶ 39–40. The IRGC seized the inbound traveler at the airport, transported him to his house to search it, confiscated his electronics and passports, and jailed him in Evin. Id., ¶¶ 40–44. In October of 2016, both Siamak and Baquer were

secretly and summarily tried and convicted for “cooperation with a hostile state” — i.e., the United States — and handed ten-year sentences. Id., ¶¶ 46–59. A sham appeal made no difference. Id., ¶¶ 56–59.

So began Plaintiffs’ years of torture in Evin Prison — ultimately, about eight for Siamak and two for Baquer. Id., ¶¶ 8–9, 77, 82. Siamak, who spent frequent and lengthy stints in solitary confinement, was repeatedly beaten, chained, and threatened. Id., ¶¶ 62–64. Baquer, who was 79 at the time of his arrest, was also crammed into solitary confinement and threatened with execution. Id., ¶¶ 70–72. Siamak was forced to watch videos of his father being interrogated, and the suffering of each was generally used against the other as an interrogation tactic. See Siamak Decl., ¶ 42; Baquer Decl., ¶ 34. Both were routinely denied medical care despite serious ailments and, in Baquer’s case, a history of heart conditions and surgeries. See Am. Compl., ¶¶ 66–67, 70–73. They were eventually moved into the same cell so that Siamak could nurse his father back to something barely resembling health after a heart procedure that Baquer was permitted to undergo. Id., ¶ 76.

On January 15, 2018, Baquer, now in his early 80s, was released from prison on medical parole but ordered to remain in Iran. Id., ¶ 77. Over four years later on October 5, 2022, at the behest of UN Secretary General António Guterres, he was permitted to travel to Oman for urgently needed medical treatment for his deteriorating heart condition. Id., ¶¶ 78–80. A year later, on September 22, 2023, Siamak, who had explicitly been called a hostage by his captors, was also set free in a prisoner swap alongside five other Americans. Id., ¶¶ 37, 82–83.

Although now safely in the U.S. and far from Iran, the Namazis’ time in Evin Prison has sentenced them to long-term physical and psychological afflictions including deteriorated hearing and eyesight, ongoing muscle and joint pain, anxiety, depression, sleeplessness, and

PTSD. Id., ¶¶ 99–108; Siamak Decl., ¶¶ 60, 63; Baquer Decl., ¶¶ 41–47. Despite his best efforts, Siamak has been unable to secure employment. See Siamak Decl., ¶ 64.

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