Murray Energy Corp. v. McCarthy

232 F. Supp. 3d 895, 2017 WL 150511, 2017 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 27500
CourtDistrict Court, N.D. West Virginia
DecidedJanuary 11, 2017
DocketCivil Action No. 5:14-CV-39
StatusPublished
Cited by2 cases

This text of 232 F. Supp. 3d 895 (Murray Energy Corp. v. McCarthy) is published on Counsel Stack Legal Research, covering District Court, N.D. West Virginia primary law. Counsel Stack provides free access to over 12 million legal documents including statutes, case law, regulations, and constitutions.

Bluebook
Murray Energy Corp. v. McCarthy, 232 F. Supp. 3d 895, 2017 WL 150511, 2017 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 27500 (N.D.W. Va. 2017).

Opinion

FINAL ORDER

JOHN PRESTON BAILEY, UNITED STATES DISTRICT JUDGE

On October 17, 2016, this Court entered its Memorandum Opinion and Order Deny[897]*897ing the United States’ New Motion for Summary Judgment and Granting Summary Judgment in Favor of the Plaintiffs [Doc. 293]. In that Order, this Court ordered the EPA to provide, within two weeks, a plan and schedule for compliance with § 321(a) both generally and in the specific area of the effects of its regulations on the coal industry. This Court also granted plaintiffs the opportunity to file any comments or criticisms of the defendant’s submission within fourteen days of the filing of the same.

On October 31, 2016, the EPA filed its response to this Court’s order [Doc. 296], and on November 14, 2016, the plaintiffs filed their response to the EPA submission [Doc. 297].

In her submission, EPA Administrator Gina McCarthy takes several positions. First, that this Court is wrong and that the EPA would not be complying with § 321(a) in the absence of this Court’s order; Second, that the time frame set by this Court was too short to provide a full response to the Order, but not requesting any extension of the response time; and Third, that it will take the EPA around two years to come up with a methodology to use in an effort to begin to comply with § 321(a).

This response is wholly insufficient, unacceptable, and unnecessary. It evidences the continued hostility on the part of the EPA to acceptance of the mission established by Congress.

This action centers around § 321(a) of the Clean Air Act, 42 U.S.C. § 7621(a). This statutory provision provides:

The Administrator shall conduct continuing evaluations of potential loss or shifts of employment which may result from the administration or enforcement of the provision of [the Clean Air Act] and applicable implementation plans, including where appropriate, investigating threatened plant closures or reductions in employment allegedly resulting from such administration or enforcement.

42 U.S.C. § 7621(a) (brackets added).

As discussed at length in this Court’s summary judgment decision, this Court continues to believe that Congress intended to impose a mandatory duty upon the EPA.

With specific statutory provisions like Section 321(a), Congress unmistakably intended to track and monitor the effects of the Clean Air Act and its implementing regulations on employment in order to improve the legislative and regulatory processes. As noted in this Court’s summary judgment decision, the legislative record for these statutory provisions, as well as Supreme Court precedent, confirm this purpose. For example, the House Committee Report accompanying the 1977 amendments noted that the continuing job-loss assessment requirements under Section 321(a) were inserted to address frequent issues that have arisen concerning “the extent to which the Clean Air Act or other factors are responsible for plant shutdowns, decisions not to build new plants, and consequent losses of employment opportunities” H.R. Rep. 95-294, at 316, 1977 U.S.C.C.A.N. 1077,1395.

A subsequent portion of the legislative history provides:

On one side of this dispute, it has been argued that many employer statements that plants will have to shut down if certain pollution control measures become effective constitute “environmental blackmail.” Thus, Representative George Brown testified in 1975 that:
(t)here have already been major instances in which plant closings due to non-environmental factors have been blamed on environmental legislation. The effect of such blackmail is to gen[898]*898erate public pressure for the weakening of environmental standards, and to force labor unions into opposing enforcement of environmental laws. (H. 217)
On the other hand, it has been argued that environmental laws have in fact been responsible for significant numbers of plant closings and job losses. In any particular case in which a substantial job loss is threatened, in which a plant closing is- blamed on Clean Air Act requirements, or possible new construction is alleged to have been postponed or prevented by such requirements, the committee recognizes the need to determine the truth of these allegations. For this reason, the committee agreed to section 304 of the bill, which establishes a mechanism for determining the accuracy of any such allegation.
COMMITTEE PROPOSAL
Section 304 of the committee bill is based on a nearly identical provision in the Federal Water Pollution Control Act. The bill establishes a new section 319 of the act. Under this provision, the Administrator is mandated to undertake an ongoing evaluation of job losses and employment shifts due to requirements of the act. This evaluation is to include investigations of threatened plant closures or reductions in employment allegedly due to requirements of the act or any actual closures or reductions which are alleged to have occurred because of such requirements.

H.R. REP. 95-294, 316-17, 1977 U.S.C.C.A.N. 1077,1995, 96.

In the summer of 1971, Congress held hearings to determine how to address the problem of “economic dislocation, plant shutdowns, and worker layoffs resulting from environmental control orders.” Economic Dislocation Resulting from Environmental Controls: Hearings Before the Subcomm. on Air & Water Pollution of the S. Comm, on Public Works, 92d Cong. 1 (1971) (“Economic Dislocation Hearings”) [Doc. 258-1 & 2, Ex. 5]. Senator Muskie, Chairman of the subcommittee, noted at the outset of these hearings that one “very broad aspect” of the “national policy” on the environment is: “If people, workers, communities, [and] industrial plants are to be affected because we have resolved to protect the environment, how and by what means shall their interest, their personal health and welfare, also be protected?” [Id. at 1]. He observed that this “very broad question leads to an entire series of smaller ones,” including in particular: “How do we determine ... that a worker layoff or plant shutdown does, indeed, result from an environmental control order?” [Id.].

In an effort to answer these questions, the subcommittee began by turning to prominent advocate Ralph Nader, who testified that to ignore the “problem of environmental layoffs or closedowns” and “simply enforce the pollution laws” “would be too narrow a policy and a cruel one at that for workers” and that ignoring the problem could lead to “[a] regime of fear and economic insecurity ... spreading] through the blue-collar labor force ... that w[ould] reflect itself in alienation from or antagonism to the cause of a delethalized environment.” [Id. at 6]. He testified that it would not be enough to approach the issue using “macro-economic studies” because they “do not answer the question which a worker has about his or her family’s macro-economy.” [Id. at 7]. Nader explained that “[t]he first step toward an intelligent policy toward the ecology layoff or closedown posture by companies is to require a full and candid disclosure of relevant data.” [Id.].

Accordingly, Nader proposed that Congress should “consider legislation requir[899]

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232 F. Supp. 3d 895, 2017 WL 150511, 2017 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 27500, Counsel Stack Legal Research, https://law.counselstack.com/opinion/murray-energy-corp-v-mccarthy-wvnd-2017.