Mingo Logan Coal Co. v. National Labor Relations Board

67 F. App'x 178
CourtCourt of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit
DecidedJune 17, 2003
Docket02-1205, 02-1261 and 02-1360
StatusUnpublished

This text of 67 F. App'x 178 (Mingo Logan Coal Co. v. National Labor Relations Board) is published on Counsel Stack Legal Research, covering Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit primary law. Counsel Stack provides free access to over 12 million legal documents including statutes, case law, regulations, and constitutions.

Bluebook
Mingo Logan Coal Co. v. National Labor Relations Board, 67 F. App'x 178 (4th Cir. 2003).

Opinion

OPINION

GREGORY, Circuit Judge.

This appeal follows from the National Labor Relations Board’s (the “Board”) affirmance of an Administrative Law Judge’s (“ALJ”) decision and recommended order finding that the appellants, Mingo Logan Coal Company (“Mingo”) and Mahon Enterprises, Inc. (“Mahon”) (collectively, the “Employers”) were joint employers who had committed numerous violations of the National Labor Relations Act (the “Act”) by, inter alia, threatening, intimidating, and ultimately firing 18 mine workers for their union organizing activity. The Employers challenge the sufficiency of the evidence underlying the ALJ’s findings. Additionally, the Employers argue that the Board’s remedial order, which requires the Employers to offer employment to the discharged laborers as well as backpay, constitutes an abuse of discretion. Because there is substantial evidence to support the ALJ’s findings, the liability judgment should be affirmed. However, because the Board’s remedial order unfairly deprives the Employers of the opportunity to litigate whether Mahon employees would have been hired by Mingo, we remand to the Board for further proceedings consistent with this decision.

I.

The decision of the ALJ, as adopted by the Board, contains an extensive discussion of the facts underlying this case. Because we affirm the Board’s decision on liability, we shall limit our factual discussion herein largely to the ALJ’s findings.

Mingo commenced operations in its Mountaineer Mine (the “Mine”) in West Virginia in June 1991. The Mine is a high-production, longwall mine, which produces large quantities of metal-lurgical and seam coal. The development of the mine relies upon both continuous miner and logwall mining techniques. From the beginning of its operations, Mingo relied upon outsourced contract labor. The primary supplier of this labor was Mahon. Most of Mahon’s employees were experienced miners, 80% of whom had experience working in unionized mines.

In the context of the mining activity, employees of both companies worked closely together. To better coordinate this joint activity, Mingo undertook measures to consolidate management of the two firms. Accordingly, Mingo employed a staff of foremen to oversee both inby and outby work. Among the supervisory staff retained by Mingo were several ex-Mahon foremen. The consolidation of operations often involved the placement of Mahon laborers directly under Mingo supervision. As such, the record contains numerous illustrations of the blurring of the lines separating the two companies. For exam- *181 pie, Mingo Foreman James Allen, without consulting Mahon President Amon Mahon, asked Mahon employee Stewart Vint to take a job directly under his supervision. Though still a Mahon employee, Vint accepted this position with the added condition that all Mahon employees recognize Vint as having the capacity to speak for Allen. Other forms of Mingo control over Mahon laborers included the determination of tasks to be performed, staffing levels, wage rates, wage increases as well as the direct supervision of labor. Additionally, Mingo was involved in the discipline of Mahon employees.

The two Employers also enjoyed a referral relationship, wherein employment with Mahon was often represented as a stepping-stone to eventual employment with Mingo. As part of this relationship, Mingo exerted influence over Mahon employees who hoped eventually to gain employment with Mingo. For example, when Dennis Evans, an experienced miner with some unionized mine experience applied for a position with Mingo, he was referred to Mahon and told that the job would represent “a foot in the door to get a job with Mingo Logan.” In another case, Mahon employee David Massey was asked by Mingo to become a crew leader, a position he originally declined. When told that taking the position would “be like putting your first step in the door” at Mingo, Massey agreed to take the position. Pleased with Massey’s performance, as well as the fact that Mingo had not heard any rumors regarding his association with union organizing activity, Mingo directed Mahon to grant Massey a pay raise.

However, in cases where an employee was associated with union organization, his prospects with Mingo were substantially diminished. Evans, for example, at the behest of several Mingo supervisors who were pleased with his work, made repeated efforts to move to Mingo. Evans testified that a Mingo supervisor informed him that the real reason why he was not hired by Mingo was his brother’s union activity.

According to the Employers, these instances of joint control represented the rare exception rather than the rule. The Employers assert that Mahon exercised independent control over the vast majority of its 350 to 400 employees. Furthermore, the Employers maintain that cases involving supervision or decision-making regarding the essential terms of employment by Mingo over Mahon laborers were highly unusual. According to the Employers, Mingo exerted the degree of control over Mahon labor that would customarily characterize an outsourcing relationship. That is, Mahon made changes in response to Mingo’s evolving needs. The Employers also maintain that Mingo was unaware of the union experience of the Mahon laborers that it was found to have turned away. Furthermore, the Employers maintain that Mingo hiring decisions were motivated only by their specific labor requirements.

The United Mine Workers of America (the “Union”) began organizing activity at the Mine in January 1994. 1 About one month later, the Union held its first mass union meeting, at which time the campaign became open. Union organizers employed customary means in support of their campaign, including the distribution of literature and stickers. The Employers responded decisively to the news of the campaign. This response included inter *182 rogations of employees regarding their own involvement in union organization as well as the involvement of their peers. Mingo management also threatened to terminate employees suspected of involvement with the union campaign. The record also contains evidence that Mingo threatened, in the event the campaign were successful, to terminate its relationship with Mahon and close the Mine. Ma-hon employees who were seen demonstrating support for the Union, by for example wearing stickers on their helmets, were warned to remove the stickers or risk endangering their prospects of obtaining a position with Mingo. The Employers developed stickers of their own in opposition to the campaign, which they distributed to employees accompanied by the suggestion that they be displayed. The Employers went as far as to tell Massey, who rode to work with an open Union supporter, to terminate all association or risk losing his job.

In late March 1994, Mingo informed Ma-hon that there would be an upcoming layoff of Mahon employees due to a decrease in demand for laborers. Amon Mahon organized a meeting with his supervisors to discuss the issue. At this meeting, according to a statement attributed to Assistant Foreman Danny Colegrove, Mahon said that his firm would have to fire about 20 employees to “make them an example to everybody else.” The ALJ found, over the Employers’ denials that such an event ever occurred, that a few days before the layoff was announced, senior management of Mingo and Mahon met to determine which employees to lay off.

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