Milk Wagon Drivers' Union, Local No. 753 v. Lake Valley Farm Products, Inc.

311 U.S. 91, 61 S. Ct. 122, 85 L. Ed. 63, 1940 U.S. LEXIS 1107, 7 L.R.R.M. (BNA) 276, 1940 Trade Cas. (CCH) 56,070
CourtSupreme Court of the United States
DecidedNovember 18, 1940
Docket20
StatusPublished
Cited by221 cases

This text of 311 U.S. 91 (Milk Wagon Drivers' Union, Local No. 753 v. Lake Valley Farm Products, Inc.) is published on Counsel Stack Legal Research, covering Supreme Court of the United States primary law. Counsel Stack provides free access to over 12 million legal documents including statutes, case law, regulations, and constitutions.

Bluebook
Milk Wagon Drivers' Union, Local No. 753 v. Lake Valley Farm Products, Inc., 311 U.S. 91, 61 S. Ct. 122, 85 L. Ed. 63, 1940 U.S. LEXIS 1107, 7 L.R.R.M. (BNA) 276, 1940 Trade Cas. (CCH) 56,070 (1940).

Opinion

Mr. Justice Black

delivered the opinion of the Court.

This proceeding presents two questions: First, Does there here exist a “labor dispute” within the meaning of the Norris-LaGuardia Act? 1 Second, If there is a “labor dispute,” must the jurisdictional prerequisites of the Norris-LaGuardia Act 2 be complied with before injunc- *93 tive process can be used against a labor union accused of violating the Sherman Anti-Trust Act? 3

The District Court found that this was a case “involving or growing out of a labor dispute”; that plaintiffs (respondents here) had failed to satisfy the prerequisites of the Norris-LaGuardia Act; and that, accordingly, the court was without jurisdiction to grant either a temporary or a permanent injunction. The Circuit Court of Appeals reversed, one judge dissenting; 4 it was the opinion of that court that the case did not grow out of a labor dispute, and that even if it had, a federal court would have jurisdiction to enjoin if the Sherman Act had been violated. 5 Because of the importance of these questions, we granted certiorari. 6

The Norris-LaGuardia Act applies to labor disputes between “persons who are engaged in the same industry, trade, craft or occupation; or have direct or indirect interests herein.” 7 Here, all of the parties have “direct or indirect interests” in the production, processing, sale, and distribution of milk. Plaintiffs, who sought the injunction, were four: one was the Chicago local of a C. I. 0. union, the Amalgamated Dairy Workers; two were Chicago dairies whose milk was processed and distributed by members of the C. I. 0. union; 8 the fourth was a *94 Wisconsin cooperative association which supplied milk, to the plaintiff dairies. Defendants were the Chicago local of the A. F. of L. Milk Wagon Drivers’ Union, and its officials. The defendant union is a craft organization, limiting its membership to milk wagon drivers; the plaintiff union is organized along industrial lines, and its membership consists of all kinds of dairy wbrkers, including inside help, office workers, wagon drivers, helpers, sweepers and janitors.

A brief statement as to the background of the controversy is necessary for a better understanding of the issues. The Chicago local of the A. F. of L. Milk Wagon Drivers’ Union was organized in 1902. Since the organization, working conditions of the members have been materially improved; hours have been shortened, wages have been raised, and vacation periods with full pay have, been secured. These better terms and conditions of employment have moved concurrently with a more or less steady increase in union membership and influence. At the time this litigation was begun the union had more than five thousand members.

With the approach and continuance of the depression of the early Thirties, the milk business, like other industries, was in acute distress. Loss of profits from decreased demand stimulated dairies to devise new and cheaper methods to obtain and serve customers. Under the long existing practice in Chicago, dairies had owned milk trucks and wagons, and had operated them with employee drivers — chiefly members of the A. F. of L. local. A major part of the business consisted of door-to-door deliveries to retail customers. Some of the A. F. of L. drivers also delivered milk to retail stores, those stores in turn selling to their customers. What appears to have been an insignificant part of the milk supply of pre-depressión Chicago was delivered by retail milk • “peddlers” who bought from the dairy at wholesale and sold at retail from their own trucks or wagons. *95 But with the depression this practice of sale by “peddlers” expanded,'branched out into sales to . retail stores, and developed into what is called the “vendor system”— around which revolves the present- controversy. Retail peddling started the controversy; at the root of the conflict, however, is .this later emerging “vendor system,” under which “vendors” delivered milk at wholesale to retail stores. Under this system, plaintiff dairies make daily sales of milk to individuals owning their own trucks. These individuals, called “vendors,” resell the milk to retail stores. Unsold milk is no loss to the “vendor,” because the dairy takes it back at'the full purchase price.

With the spread of this new competitive system, the business of the dairies employing union milk wagon drivers decreased. - Many of the union drivers lost their jobs and were dependent upon their union’s relief funds and upon public relief agencies for their support. How many of those who lost their jobs became unemployed as the result of the depression and how many were displaced by the growth of the “vendor system” cannot be determined; both causes'undoubtedly contributed.

The stores buying milk- from plaintiff dairies through these vendors made a practice of selling it below the standard prices charged for milk supplied by dairies employing A. F. of L. drivers. Defendant union and its members claimed that the reason the price could be cut was that the vendors worked long hours, under unfavorable working conditions, without vacations, and with very low earnings. On the other hand, the vendors and the jdairies utilizing their services asserted that the reason for the lower prices was that the vendor system was more economical, that under it more milk could be delivered by wholesale to the cash and carry cut-rate stores, and that such distribution cost less even on the same wage level than did door-to-door distribution. As the vendor system made increasing inroads on the business of the union dairies, the opposition of the defendant union became *96 more active. ■ Its members insisted that the vendor system constituted unfair competition, depressing labor standards. To combat it, they attempted — as the District Court found from the facts — to unionize the employees and vendors of the dairies utilizing this plan. Not succeeding in this attempt, in 1934 they began picketing the so-called cut-rate stores. The picketing was carried on almost continuously until this suit was filed. Pickets usually carried placards denouncing cut-rate stores as unfair to the A. E. of L. local. During the years in which this strife continued, store windows were broken, personal altercations occurred, charges and counter-charges were frequent, arrests were made and court proceedings instituted. Finally, in March, 1938 — about two months before the complaint was filed in this case — the vendors and the other employees of the plaintiff dairies organized the plaintiff union under a C. I. 0. charter. Thereupon signs were placed inside the cut-rate store windows, announcing that the milk handled by the stores was processed and delivered by members of the plaintiff union. But this did not settle the long-standing controversy; the picketing continued, and this suit followed.

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Bluebook (online)
311 U.S. 91, 61 S. Ct. 122, 85 L. Ed. 63, 1940 U.S. LEXIS 1107, 7 L.R.R.M. (BNA) 276, 1940 Trade Cas. (CCH) 56,070, Counsel Stack Legal Research, https://law.counselstack.com/opinion/milk-wagon-drivers-union-local-no-753-v-lake-valley-farm-products-inc-scotus-1940.