Midkiff v. Tom

702 F.2d 788, 13 Envtl. L. Rep. (Envtl. Law Inst.) 20
CourtCourt of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit
DecidedMarch 28, 1983
DocketNo. 80-4368
StatusPublished
Cited by29 cases

This text of 702 F.2d 788 (Midkiff v. Tom) is published on Counsel Stack Legal Research, covering Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit primary law. Counsel Stack provides free access to over 12 million legal documents including statutes, case law, regulations, and constitutions.

Bluebook
Midkiff v. Tom, 702 F.2d 788, 13 Envtl. L. Rep. (Envtl. Law Inst.) 20 (9th Cir. 1983).

Opinions

ALARCON, Circuit Judge:

The question presented by this case is whether a state may take real property from a lessor and transfer title in fee simple absolute to a lessee because of a shortage of land for fee simple residential ownership.1 We hold that such a taking violates the federal constitution.

[790]*790I .

On February 19,1979, the Trustees of the Kamehameha Schools/Bishop Estate [Bishop Estate] filed a declaratory relief action alleging that the Hawaii Land Reform Act, Hawaii Rev.Stat. ch. 516, was unconstitutional. The Commissioners and the Executive Director of the Hawaii Housing Authority and the Hawaii Housing Authority were named as defendants [original defendants and intervenors hereinafter Appellees]. The district court declared that the challenged statute before us was constitutional. Midkiff v. Tom, 483 F.Supp. 62, 70 (D.Haw. 1979). This appeal followed.

The Hawaii Land Reform Act permits certain lessees in possession of land in that state to acquire title in fee simple absolute through eminent domain proceedings. This legislation was enacted after a determination by the Hawaii Legislature that land ownership is concentrated in a few persons who have chosen to lease their property rather than to sell it. The legislature found that this practice has resulted in a shortage of fee simple land and an artificial inflation of residential land values in the state.

We must decide whether the Federal Constitution permits a state to take the private property of A and transfer its ownership to B for his private use and benefit. It is our view that it was the intention of the framers of the Constitution and the fifth amendment that this form of majoritarian tyranny should not occur. The protection provided by the fifth amendment has been extended to the states by reason of the fourteenth amendment. Missouri Pacific Railway v. Nebraska, 164 U.S. 403, 417, 17 S.Ct. 130, 135, 41 L.Ed. 489 (1896); Fallbrook Irrigation District v. Bradley, 164 U.S. 112, 158, 17 S.Ct. 56, 63, 41 L.Ed. 369 (1896).

II

As originally drafted, the Federal Constitution contained no reference to the protection of private property interests. It is quite clear, however, that prior to the founding of this nation, it was well established that the government could not take [791]*791private property except for the use of the public. Hugo Grotius, one of the first commentators to define eminent domain, articulated a “public advantage” as a necessary prerequisite to a taking by the state. 2 H. Grotius, De Jure Belli Ac Pacis 385 (F. Kelly trans. London 1925) (1st ed. Amsterdam 1646). In 1758, E. de Vattel wrote that the exercise of the power of eminent domain had to be for the “public welfare.” E. de Vattel, The Law of Nations, 96 (C. Fenwick trans. 1916) (1st ed. 1758). S. Pufendorf stated that a government taking must be for the “necessities of the state.” De Jure Naturae et Gentium 1285 (C. & W. Oldfather trans. London 1934) (1st ed. 1688).

Ill

The failure to spell out a precise guarantee for the protection of life, liberty, and property interests in the body of the United States Constitution was deliberate. James Madison, considered by historians to be the Father of the Constitution,2 explained the reasons for this conscious omission as follows:

My own opinion has always been in favor of a bill of rights .... At the same time I have never thought the omission a material defect, nor been anxious to supply it even by subsequent amendment, for any other reason than that it is anxiously desired by others.... I have not viewed it in an important light — 1. because ... the rights in question are reserved by the manner in which the federal powers are granted. 2. because there is great reason to fear that a positive declaration of some of the most essential rights could not be obtained in the requisite latitude. ... 3. because the limited powers of the federal Government and the jealousy of the subordinate Governments, afford a security which has not existed in the case of the State Governments, and exists in no other. 4. because experience proves the inefficacy of a bill of rights on those occasions when its controul is most needed....

Letter from James Madison to Thomas Jefferson (Oct. 17, 1788), reprinted in 5 The Writings of James Madison 271-72 (G. Hunt ed. 1904).

Madison was, however, keenly mindful of the need to create a form of government which would protect each person’s property interests. He stated this concern eloquently at the constitutional convention. “In future times a great majority of the people will not only be without landed, but any other sort of, property. These [may] ... combine under the influence of their common situation; in which case, the rights of property & the public liberty, [will not be secure in their hands] .... ” 2 The Records of the Federal Convention of 1787 203-04 (M. Farrand ed. 1911) (footnotes omitted).3

In 1787 Madison expressed his views to Thomas Jefferson concerning the need to protect minority rights from the acts of a majority that might seek to remedy unequal property distribution through legislative action:

[N]o society ever did or can consist of [a] .. . homogeneous ... mass of Citizens. ... In all civilized societies, distinctions are various and unavoidable. A distinction of property results from that very protection which a free Government gives to unequal faculties of acquiring it. There will be rich and poor; creditors and debtors; a landed interest, a monied interest, a mercantile interest, a manufacturing interest.... [These distinctions will produce dissention and faction.] However erroneous or ridiculous these grounds of dissention and faction may appear to the enlightened Statesman or the benevolent philosopher, the bulk of mankind ... will continue to view them in a different light. It remains then to [792]*792be enquired whether a majority having any common interest, or feeling any common passion, will find sufficient motives to restrain them from oppressing the minority.

Letter from James Madison to Thomas Jefferson (Oct. 14, 1787), reprinted in 5 The Writings of James Madison 29.

Madison’s distrust of government according to the will of a majority of the electorate was based on first hand observation:

In Virginia I have seen the bill of rights violated in every instance where it has been opposed to a popular current. Notwithstanding the explicit provision contained in that instrument for the rights of Conscience, it is well known that a religious establishment [would] have taken place in that State, if the Legislative majority had found as they expected, a majority of the people in favor of the measure .... Wherever the real power in Government lies, there is the danger of oppression. In our Governments the real power lies in the majority of the Community, and the invasion of private rights is chiefly to be apprehended, not from acts of Government contrary to the sense of its constituents, but from acts in which the Government is the mere instrument of the major number of the Constituents.

Letter from James Madison to Thomas Jefferson (Oct. 17, 1788), reprinted in id.

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Bluebook (online)
702 F.2d 788, 13 Envtl. L. Rep. (Envtl. Law Inst.) 20, Counsel Stack Legal Research, https://law.counselstack.com/opinion/midkiff-v-tom-ca9-1983.