Lee v. Kaufman

15 F. Cas. 162, 24 Int. Rev. Rec. 90, 3 Hughes 36, 17 Alb. Law J. 237, 1879 U.S. App. LEXIS 1636
U.S. Circuit Court for the District of Eastern Virginia·Decided March 15, 1879·Published·Cited by 2 cases

Opinion

OPINION OF THE COURT

(HUGHES. District Judge).

The first question is whether it is competent for the government of the United States to appear by suggestion, as it has done in this cause. Though I concede that the intervention of the government in this manner, in a cause pending between other parties, is unusual in our American practice, I do not see that for that reason it is inadmissible. It was sanctioned by tne supreme court of the United States in the cases of Florida v. Georgia, 17 How. [58 U. S.) 478; Maxfield v. Levy [Case No. 9,321); and The Exchange, 7 Cranch [11 U. S.) 117; as well as others which might be cited. It was allowed in the case of The Pizarro [Case No. 11,199). I believe that intervention by this method is the settled practice in England. It was, for instance, the proceeding taken by the attorney-general, in Doe v. Roe, 8 Mees. & W. 579. On authority, therefore, I do not feel at liberty to question the right of the attorney-general to intervene by suggestion in a cause in which the government is alleged to be interested, as in this cause. Nor is there any validity in the objection that a new and side issue is introduced into the cause by this proceeding. It is nothing more in effect than another form of a plea to the jurisdiction. This plea always introduces a preliminary issue requiring to be dealt with before the cause can proceed upon the merits; and the present demurrer is, in effect, an issue of law joined on a plea to the jurisdiction, which is not anomalous and works no hardship.

We come, therefore, to the questions of law presented by the suggestion and demurrer. These are two: 1st. Whether the attorney-general’s suggestion is of itself sufficient to defeat the jurisdiction of the court over the cause; and, 2d. Whether, supposing it has not that effect ipso facto, the court may look into the grounds on which that officer intervenes; in pursuance of the observation made by Chief Justice Marshall in the case of U. S. v. Peters, 5 Cranch [9 U. S.) 115: “It certainly can never be alleged that a mere suggestion of title in a state to property in possession of an individual must arrest the proceedings of the court and prevent their looking into the suggestion and examining the validity of the title.”

I. I should compromise the judicial office if I were to devote any serious argument to the first of these questions. The right of every citizen to a judicial determination of a controversy affecting his liberty or property, in which he may be involved, will not be denied at this day in this country. The courts are open to the humblest citizen, and there is no personage known to our laws, however exalted in station, who by mere suggestion to a court can close its doors. [190]*190against him. I hare no thought that the chief law officer of the United States, who in the performance of his duty in this cause has entered the suggestion now under consideration, claims for his action any such prerogative as that in question. But even if it were possible to conceive that such a pretension could be made, let it be answered that it is a cardinal tenet of the constitution that the judiciary are an independent branch of the government, not to be controlled in its dispensations of justice by interference from other departments, and not only empowered but bound to administer the right without fear, favor, or affection. It is useless to dwell upon these topics, but it is appropriate to recall what has been said by luminous jurists of a former era in regard to the decision of questions arising between citizens and their government. In book 2, c. 14, § 213, Vattel, has these sentences: “If any difficulties arise (on questions of contract and title between the sovereign and private persons) it is equally conformable to the rules of decorum, to that delicacy of sentiment which ought to be particularly conspicuous in a sovereign, and to the love of justice, to cause them to be decided by the tribunals of the state. And this indeed is the practice of all civilized states which are governed by settled laws.” In the same spirit were the utterances of Mr. Selden, one of England’s most illustrious scholars and lawyers in the time of the first Charles: “In all cases, my lords, when any right or liberty belongs to the subject by any positive law, written or unwritten, if there were not also a remedy by law for the enjoying or regaining the right or liberty where it is violated or taken from him, the positive law were most vain and to no purpose; and it were to no purpose for any man to have any right in any land or other inheritance if there were not a known remedy, that is, an action or writ by which in some court of ordinary justice he might recover it. And in this case of right or liberty of person, if there is not a remedy in the law for regaining it when it is restrained, it were of no purpose to speak of laws that ordain it should not be restrained.” 3 How. St Tr. 95. If the hereditament of an English subject could be taken and held by the king without question in the courts, the notable words which the elder Pitt pointed at George III., would have had no truth or meaning: “The poorest man may, in his cottage, bid defiance to all the force of the crown. It may be frail; its roof may shake; the wind may blow through it; the storms may enter; the rain may enter; but the king of England cannot enter; all his forces dare not cross the threshold of the .ruined tenement.” Speech on the excise act. If there could be no judicial inquiry into the government’s possession of property claimed by the citizen, what could be said of the clause in the fifth amendment to the constitution, forbidding that private property shall be taken for public use without just compensation, except that it was a meaningless form of empty words, a delusive safeguard against public wrong, a deceptive guarantee of private rights. The only alternative which would be left to the plaintiff, if this suggestion should prevail as confessed by counsel for the government, would be what Mr. Justice Grier once characterized as “the hopeless remedy of a petition to congress.” The effect would be to defeat a judicial adjudication of the rights of parties and refer the plaintiff’s claims for political determination to a political tribunal. If the fact be as implied by the suggestion, that there is no method known to the judicature of the country by which the rights of parties to this action could be judicially determined, it would be a reproach to American jurisprudence. In every sense would the result in this cause be unfortunate So much of sentiment, so much of sectional sentiment invests this estate of Arlington, .at once the burial-ground of soldiers who lost their lives for the Union and the patrimony of the Lees, that it were in the highest degree desirable that its title should have a judicial determination rather than be relegated to the debate and vote of a popular assembly, always more or less liable to the influences of partisan passion. It would, therefore, be somewhat excusable in the court if it should apparently, in its consideration of the suggestion of the government, lean in favor of retaining its jurisdiction of such a cause as that at bar.

II. I come now to look into the grounds on which the attorney-general, through counsel here, claims that the court should stay its action and dismiss the cause. It is conceded on all hands that the sovereign power in th's countiy, whether it be a state or the United States, cannot be made a direct party defendant in any action, except by its own consent, given generally by statute, or specially by its authorized law officer.

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Lee v. Kaufman, 15 F. Cas. 162, 24 Int. Rev. Rec. 90, 3 Hughes 36, 17 Alb. Law J. 237, 1879 U.S. App. LEXIS 1636 (circtedva 1879).

15 F. Cas. 162 (Lee v. Kaufman) — published by Counsel Stack Legal Research, free access to 12M+ legal documents.

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