LatinoJustice PRLDEF v. Department of the Treasury

CourtDistrict Court, S.D. New York
DecidedMarch 5, 2024
Docket1:19-cv-04417
StatusUnknown

This text of LatinoJustice PRLDEF v. Department of the Treasury (LatinoJustice PRLDEF v. Department of the Treasury) is published on Counsel Stack Legal Research, covering District Court, S.D. New York primary law. Counsel Stack provides free access to over 12 million legal documents including statutes, case law, regulations, and constitutions.

Bluebook
LatinoJustice PRLDEF v. Department of the Treasury, (S.D.N.Y. 2024).

Opinion

UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT SOUTHERN DISTRICT OF NEW YORK

LATINOJUSTICE PRLDEF, et al., Plaintiffs, 19-CV-4417 (JPO) -v- OPINION AND ORDER DEPARTMENT OF THE TREASURY, Defendant.

J. PAUL OETKEN, District Judge: Plaintiffs LatinoJustice PRLDEF, Center for Constitutional Rights, and Centro de Periodismo Investigativo (CPI) (collectively, “Plaintiffs”) bring this action against Defendant the Department of the Treasury (“Treasury”) under the Freedom of Information Act, 5 U.S.C. § 552 (“FOIA”). Plaintiffs seek records relating to then-President Barack Obama’s 2016 appointment of individuals to serve on the Financial Oversight and Management Board for Puerto Rico (the “Oversight Board” or “Board”). The parties have cross-moved for summary judgment on the question whether Treasury has properly exempted parts of twenty-six records under FOIA Exemptions 5 and 6, 5 U.S.C. § 552(b)(5)-(6). For the reasons that follow, Treasury’s motion is granted and Plaintiffs’ motion is denied. I. Background A. Factual Background In response to Puerto Rico’s fiscal crisis, on June 30, 2016, President Obama signed into law the Puerto Rico Oversight, Management, and Economic Stability Act of 2016 (“PROMESA”), 48 U.S.C. §§ 2101 et seq. (ECF No. 83 (“Dickerman Decl.”) ¶ 3.) Among other provisions, PROMESA created an Oversight Board “within the territorial government” of Puerto Rico. 48 U.S.C. § 2121(c)(1). The purpose of the Board was “to provide a method for a covered territory to achieve fiscal responsibility and access to the capital markets.” Id. § 2121(a). PROMESA vests the Board with extensive authority over Puerto Rico’s fiscal matters. (Dickerman Decl. ¶ 4; ECF No. 88 (“Valentin Ortiz Decl.”) ¶ 14.) Under PROMESA, the President was charged with appointing seven members to the

Oversight Board according to the following formula: two members would be selected from two, non-overlapping lists submitted by the Speaker of the House of Representatives; two members would be selected from a list submitted by the Majority Leader of the Senate; one member would be selected from a list submitted by the Minority Leader of the House of Representatives; one member would be selected from a list submitted by the Minority Leader of the Senate; and one member would be selected in the sole discretion of the President. See 48 U.S.C. § 2121(e)(2)(A)). Senate confirmation of the Board members was not required under this appointment process. Id. § 2121(e)(2)(E)). Board members are required to have “knowledge and expertise in finance, municipal bond markets, management, law, or the organization or operation of business or government,” id. § 2121(f)(1), and Puerto Rico public officers,

candidates for elected office, and former elected officials are ineligible to serve on the Board. Id. § 2121(f)(2). Treasury had been “deeply involved in drafting PROMESA” and so Treasury “also played a central role in identifying and evaluating potential candidates for the Oversight Board,” including through soliciting input from “members of Congress and other interested parties.” (Dickerman Decl. ¶ 7.) Over the course of the selection process, “Treasury identified and considered more than 115 potential candidates for the Oversight Board.” (Id.) While it was ultimately up to Congressional leaders to decide which candidates to include on their lists, and up to the President to decide whom to appoint to the Board in his sole discretion and whom to select from the Congressional lists, Treasury employees communicated with leadership in both political parties and the White House to evaluate candidates and make recommendations. (Id.) Numerous Treasury employees were involved in this process, including the Counselor to the Secretary of the Treasury, the Director of Treasury’s Office of State and Local Finance, and

personnel within Treasury’s Office of Domestic Finance and Office of the General Counsel. (Id. at ¶ 8.) Throughout the selection process, “Treasury employees debated the relative merits of different candidates, ranked candidates by order of preference (such as listing some candidates as ‘First Tier,’ ‘Second Tier,’ etc.), and discussed which candidates would potentially work well together.” (Id. at ¶ 9.) The lists of potential candidates evolved over time and took numerous forms. For example, some of the lists are titled “Highly-Qualified Candidates on a Congressional List,” “Highly-Qualified Candidates with some risk,” “Highly-Qualified Candidates with conflicts that would require a Presidential waiver to adequately serve,” and “Candidates with less political risk but greater chance of not being an effective board member

(e.g. persuasive with other Board members).” (Id. at ¶ 10.) As part of the selection process, Treasury employees conducted vetting interviews in which they asked candidates about their backgrounds, views on Puerto Rico’s fiscal crisis, and potential conflicts of interest, and then produced written evaluations of the candidates. (Id. ¶ 11.) Treasury employees then used this information to advise the Secretary of the Treasury about their assessments of potential candidates, provided their evaluations to White House personnel, and communicated with Congressional leadership to advise whether candidates should be included on the final lists of candidates. (Id. ¶ 11.) White House counsel also conferred with Treasury attorneys about legal and ethics issues. (Id. ¶ 12.) Near the conclusion of the selection process, Treasury employees and White House staff deliberated over a timeline for consulting with congressional leaders on their lists of candidates, vetting candidates and conducting ethics reviews, and finalizing appointments. (Id. ¶ 13.) Treasury employees and White House staff also consulted with one another to draft talking

points and press releases in anticipation of the appointments. (Id.) On August 31, 2016, President Obama appointed the seven original members of the Oversight Board. (Id. ¶ 14.) There was extensive “public discussion and lobbying efforts” regarding PROMESA from the moment the legislation was introduced. (Valentin Ortiz Decl. ¶ 11.) “Politicians in San Juan and Washington, D.C. opposed PROMESA because of the undemocratic and colonial nature of the Board, whose members would not be elected by Puerto Rico voters.” (Id.) In addition, “[l]abor unions and civil organizations raised flags over the negative effects the Board’s actions would have on Puerto Rico residents, including spending cuts to public services and pensions, as well as reductions in-work benefits.” (Id.) Opposition also came from “Puerto Rico creditor groups and conservative organizations,” which called PROMESA “a bailout of Puerto Rico at

the expense of U.S. taxpayers, that would also undermine creditor rights and the U.S. municipal bond market.” (Id.) The appointment of the Board was met with “calls for civil disobedience and boycotts” and “[m]ore recent public opinion polling has shown that the Oversight Board remains profoundly unpopular in Puerto Rico.” (Dickerman Decl. ¶ 15.) CPI is a non-profit media organization focused on government transparency in Puerto Rico. (Valentin Ortiz Decl. ¶ 2.) For the past six years, CPI has engaged in public records litigation “to oversee and shed light” on the Board’s actions. (Id.

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LatinoJustice PRLDEF v. Department of the Treasury, Counsel Stack Legal Research, https://law.counselstack.com/opinion/latinojustice-prldef-v-department-of-the-treasury-nysd-2024.