Opinion for the Court filed by Circuit Judge SPOTTSWOOD W. ROBINSON, III.
WILKEY, Circuit Judge, respectfully dissents.
SPOTTSWOOD W. ROBINSON, III, Circuit Judge:
These cases, on mainly undisputed facts, require interpretation of one short clause lying obscurely among the many pages of this Nation’s labor legislation. The issue is simply framed, yet in facing its resolution the parties’ arguments — and Congress’ lack of clarity — place us on a precipice surrounded by slippery slopes. In our quest for a decision avoiding the dangers envisioned by both sides, we strive for maximum adherence to the congressional language and intent.
I
The 1947 Taft-Hartley amendments 1 to the National Labor Relations Act2 expressly excepted nonproprietary healthcare employees from coverage.3 By 1974, however, Congress had become convinced that the nearly 1.5 million such employees should be brought under the Act’s umbrella,4 and the 27-year-old exception was then removed.5 Concerned, however, by the potential impact of a work stoppage on patient welfare, Congress also included several provisions designed to protect against abrupt terminations of health care. One of these provisions added Section 8(g), which we are called upon today to interpret. That section provides:
A labor organization before engaging in any strike, picketing, or other concerted refusal to work at any health care institution shall, not less than ten days prior to such action, notify the institution in writ[15]*15ing and the Federal Mediation and Conciliation Service of that intention, except that in the case of bargaining for an initial agreement following certification or recognition the notice required by this subsection shall not be given until the expiration of the period specified in clause (B) of the last sentence of section 8(d) of this Act. The notice shall state the date and time that such action will commence. The notice, once given, may be extended by the written agreement of both parties.6
We review here two cases involving quite similar disputes. Without providing Section 8(g) notices, local unions, representing non-healthcare employees involved in construction and renovation of hospital facilities, set up reserved-gate picketing at least partially on hospital property.7 The employers filed charges with the National Labor Relations Board,8 and the Board determined, by identical three-to-two votes, that the locals had violated Section 8(g) even though their picketing was otherwise lawful.9 The unions have petitioned this court for review of the Board’s effectuating orders, and the Board has applied for their enforcement.
The Board felt that while Congress had not legislated expressly with reference to non-healthcare employee picketing at healthcare institutions the language of Section 8(g) literally encompassed the activities challenged.10 The Board read the section as though it actually stated that
[any] labor organization before engaging in any strike, picketing, or other concerted refusal to work [on the premises of] any health care institution shall, not less than ten days prior to such action, notify the institution and the Federal Mediation [16]*16and Conciliation Service of that intention.
The Board arrived at its plain-meaning conclusion by reasoning that a strike by any union on hospital premises might interrupt patient care, and that the Section 8(g) notice was but a small imposition on the union.11 We disagree with the Board that the statutory language is unambiguous, and we find that Congress did not intend that the picketing in question would fall within the purview of Section 8(g).
II
We are not the first federal appellate tribunal to undertake a construction of Section 8(g). After oral argument in this case, the Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit decided NLRB v. Electrical Workers Local 388.12 Relying both on the legislative history of the section 13 and its relationship to the rest of the 1974 amendments,14 the court held that Section 8(g) requires “notice of proposed labor activity . . . only when such activity is planned on behalf of employees of the institution.”15 In our view, that conclusion is eminently correct.
The Board argues here that by directing the requirements of Section 8(g) to “[a] labor organization” Congress meant any labor organization — not just those representing healthcare employees — and that in referring to activities of a labor organization “at a health care institution” the legislative draftsmen utilized “at” in its locational sense.16 The Board’s reading is facially plausible, but it is not the only reasonable interpretation of the language at issue. The “labor organization^]” to which Congress spoke could be either single or numerous in variety, depending upon the meaning imparted by the accompanying statutory language. And “at” is commonly used not only as a preposition indicating situs, but also merely to denote some sort of relationship between the object of the preposition and the word or phrase modified. One is as likely to hear that “there is a strike by the ABC Union at the XYZ Company” as that “the ABC Union is striking the XYZ Company,” even though both formulations were intended to express exactly the same idea— that XYZ is being struck, and not just that XYZ is the location of a strike. Additionally, as the Seventh Circuit pointed out,
[w]hen we read the phrase “picketing . at a health care institution,” we tend to think in broad terms of physical activity taking place on the premises of a health care institution. But, when we read the phrase “strike ... at a health care institution,” or “refusal to work at a health care institution” we tend to think more narrowly of activity involving a group of employees and the health care institution that employs them. We do not, however, believe that the sentence structure of 8(g) will tolerate an interpretation of the word “at” that shifts the location meant from place of employment to place of activity and back again. The preposition serves as a common link between all three forms of labor protest and the health care institution involved, and thus, we believe must have a common meaning applicable in all three contexts.17
[17]*17Thus it becomes necessary for us to discern that unclear “common meaning.”
Because the phrasing of Section 8(g) is ambiguous, we must determine by other means just what conduct Congress intended its language to encompass. Indeed, even if the language were more precise, “recourse to legislative history to determine the sense in which Congress used the words [still would] not [be] foreclosed,”18 because “labor legislation does not readily adapt itself to the ‘plain meaning’ school of jurisprudence.” 19 Any search for the legislative design, however, is hampered by the absence of any specific discussion of the statute’s impact on non-healthcare employees.20
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Opinion for the Court filed by Circuit Judge SPOTTSWOOD W. ROBINSON, III.
WILKEY, Circuit Judge, respectfully dissents.
SPOTTSWOOD W. ROBINSON, III, Circuit Judge:
These cases, on mainly undisputed facts, require interpretation of one short clause lying obscurely among the many pages of this Nation’s labor legislation. The issue is simply framed, yet in facing its resolution the parties’ arguments — and Congress’ lack of clarity — place us on a precipice surrounded by slippery slopes. In our quest for a decision avoiding the dangers envisioned by both sides, we strive for maximum adherence to the congressional language and intent.
I
The 1947 Taft-Hartley amendments 1 to the National Labor Relations Act2 expressly excepted nonproprietary healthcare employees from coverage.3 By 1974, however, Congress had become convinced that the nearly 1.5 million such employees should be brought under the Act’s umbrella,4 and the 27-year-old exception was then removed.5 Concerned, however, by the potential impact of a work stoppage on patient welfare, Congress also included several provisions designed to protect against abrupt terminations of health care. One of these provisions added Section 8(g), which we are called upon today to interpret. That section provides:
A labor organization before engaging in any strike, picketing, or other concerted refusal to work at any health care institution shall, not less than ten days prior to such action, notify the institution in writ[15]*15ing and the Federal Mediation and Conciliation Service of that intention, except that in the case of bargaining for an initial agreement following certification or recognition the notice required by this subsection shall not be given until the expiration of the period specified in clause (B) of the last sentence of section 8(d) of this Act. The notice shall state the date and time that such action will commence. The notice, once given, may be extended by the written agreement of both parties.6
We review here two cases involving quite similar disputes. Without providing Section 8(g) notices, local unions, representing non-healthcare employees involved in construction and renovation of hospital facilities, set up reserved-gate picketing at least partially on hospital property.7 The employers filed charges with the National Labor Relations Board,8 and the Board determined, by identical three-to-two votes, that the locals had violated Section 8(g) even though their picketing was otherwise lawful.9 The unions have petitioned this court for review of the Board’s effectuating orders, and the Board has applied for their enforcement.
The Board felt that while Congress had not legislated expressly with reference to non-healthcare employee picketing at healthcare institutions the language of Section 8(g) literally encompassed the activities challenged.10 The Board read the section as though it actually stated that
[any] labor organization before engaging in any strike, picketing, or other concerted refusal to work [on the premises of] any health care institution shall, not less than ten days prior to such action, notify the institution and the Federal Mediation [16]*16and Conciliation Service of that intention.
The Board arrived at its plain-meaning conclusion by reasoning that a strike by any union on hospital premises might interrupt patient care, and that the Section 8(g) notice was but a small imposition on the union.11 We disagree with the Board that the statutory language is unambiguous, and we find that Congress did not intend that the picketing in question would fall within the purview of Section 8(g).
II
We are not the first federal appellate tribunal to undertake a construction of Section 8(g). After oral argument in this case, the Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit decided NLRB v. Electrical Workers Local 388.12 Relying both on the legislative history of the section 13 and its relationship to the rest of the 1974 amendments,14 the court held that Section 8(g) requires “notice of proposed labor activity . . . only when such activity is planned on behalf of employees of the institution.”15 In our view, that conclusion is eminently correct.
The Board argues here that by directing the requirements of Section 8(g) to “[a] labor organization” Congress meant any labor organization — not just those representing healthcare employees — and that in referring to activities of a labor organization “at a health care institution” the legislative draftsmen utilized “at” in its locational sense.16 The Board’s reading is facially plausible, but it is not the only reasonable interpretation of the language at issue. The “labor organization^]” to which Congress spoke could be either single or numerous in variety, depending upon the meaning imparted by the accompanying statutory language. And “at” is commonly used not only as a preposition indicating situs, but also merely to denote some sort of relationship between the object of the preposition and the word or phrase modified. One is as likely to hear that “there is a strike by the ABC Union at the XYZ Company” as that “the ABC Union is striking the XYZ Company,” even though both formulations were intended to express exactly the same idea— that XYZ is being struck, and not just that XYZ is the location of a strike. Additionally, as the Seventh Circuit pointed out,
[w]hen we read the phrase “picketing . at a health care institution,” we tend to think in broad terms of physical activity taking place on the premises of a health care institution. But, when we read the phrase “strike ... at a health care institution,” or “refusal to work at a health care institution” we tend to think more narrowly of activity involving a group of employees and the health care institution that employs them. We do not, however, believe that the sentence structure of 8(g) will tolerate an interpretation of the word “at” that shifts the location meant from place of employment to place of activity and back again. The preposition serves as a common link between all three forms of labor protest and the health care institution involved, and thus, we believe must have a common meaning applicable in all three contexts.17
[17]*17Thus it becomes necessary for us to discern that unclear “common meaning.”
Because the phrasing of Section 8(g) is ambiguous, we must determine by other means just what conduct Congress intended its language to encompass. Indeed, even if the language were more precise, “recourse to legislative history to determine the sense in which Congress used the words [still would] not [be] foreclosed,”18 because “labor legislation does not readily adapt itself to the ‘plain meaning’ school of jurisprudence.” 19 Any search for the legislative design, however, is hampered by the absence of any specific discussion of the statute’s impact on non-healthcare employees.20 We are thus forced, “in the last analysis, to reconstruct how the legislature would have decided the specific issue if it had been specifically addressed by the legislature.”21
III
As previously stated,22 the primary purpose of the 1974 amendments was to embrace nonprofit hospitals and their employees within the coverage of the Act.23 Beyond that, “it was recognized that the needs of patients in health care institutions required special consideration in the Act including a provision requiring hospitals to have sufficient notice of any strike or picketing to allow for appropriate arrangements to be made for the continuance of patient care in the event of a work stoppage.”24 A readily understandable occasion [18]*18for such a provision was the forthcoming eligibility of a group of healthcare employees for the prerogatives afforded by the Act, including the right lawfully to picket and strike. But no new danger in that respect was posed by non-healthcare employees, such as construction workers, employed by non-healthcare contractors on hospital premises. Labor activity by those employees was already subject to the general controls supplied by the Act, and had not previously been thought of as a threat to patient care of a magnitude requiring further restriction.25 Consequently, although the notice requirement imposed by adoption of Section 8(g) seems logically applicable to the nonpropriety healthcare employees simultaneously brought under the Act, the same cannot be said with reference to non-healthcare employees.26 As the Seventh Circuit has observed,
[i]t would be neatly consistent with the overall purpose of extending the protection of the National Labor Relations Act to employees of health care institutions to read this section as an attempt to regulate the newly-protected concerted activity of such employees in order to alleviate any disruption of health care resulting from such activity. It is not nearly so explainable why regulation would be extended to activity engaged in by the employees of other than the institution, activity already protected by'the Act prior to passage of the health care institution amendments.27
We are mindful that the notice provision was expressly extended to one group of employees previously encompassed by the Act — proprietary healthcare employees.28 But Congress addressed itself specifically to that extension and made no mention at all of non-healthcare employees. Each of the congressional committees pointed to the extension and described it as providing “the same procedures for employees of all health care institutions,”29 thus indicating that other types of employees are unaffected. No one would argue that for Section 8(g) purposes proprietary and nonproprietary healthcare institutions and their employees are not identically situated, but non-healthcare employees are something else again.
The Board does not acknowledge that its interpretation of Section 8(g) is undercut by the limited objectives of the 1974 amendments. On the contrary, it contends that an unadvertised strike by non-healthcare employees of a hospital’s subcontractors could cause injury or death to hospital patients.30 As an example it correctly observes that a sudden strike by employees of a food service subcontractor might cause critical problems.31 Not to be outdone, the unions point out that strikes involving a good many subcontractors to healthcare institutions — such as suppliers of blood, oxy[19]*19gen or pharmaceuticals — are most likely to take place off hospital premises and yet could seriously imperil the welfare of thousands of patients.32 Hence they argue, and we agree, that Congress could not have intended to intercept every conceivable threat to uninterrupted patient care. We may add that the Board’s location-oriented view seemingly would allow off-duty hospital employees to picket without notice just across the street from a hospital, and thus invite the very kind of unannounced cutoff of health care with which Congress was so concerned.
IV
In our effort to ascertain just where Congress meant to draw the line, we are guided by the many indications of intent in the legislative history. The genesis of Section 8(g) was a portion of S. 2292,33 introduced by Senator Taft in 1973.34 That provision required strike and lockout notices by “a health care institution and a labor organization which is the bargaining representative of its employees. . . . ” 35 This progenitor of Section 8(g) strongly supports the unions’ position, but the Board urges that another part of S. 2292 is to the contrary. That portion would have made it an unfair labor practice for “any” labor organization to engage in a strike or picketing except “as expressly permitted” by two earlier subsections.36 The Board insists from this that at least Senator Taft expressed an interest in the activities of non-healthcare employees, and did know how and how not to limit explicitly his language to healthcare employees. One difficulty with the Board’s argument is that the two subsections referred to admittedly would have applied only to healthcare employees, and even in those sections Senator Taft used the general phrase “labor organization” when indisputably he was referring only to a “labor organization which is the bargaining representative of [a healthcare institution’s] employees.”37 Moreover, it would have been anomalous to have created a method whereby healthcare unions could picket and strike lawfully on hospital property, but to have omitted such an outlet for non-healthcare employees who might be employed solely on hospital premises for months or even years while engaged in a construction project. And we agree with the Seventh Circuit’s additional remarks on this score:
We believe this to be the Board’s strongest argument, and yet we must reject it. For if Congressional intent in changing from the 1973 proposed version of 8(g) to the enacted 8(g) were as the Board would have us believe, we would expect that somewhere in the Congressional hearings and debates on the hospital amendments we would find some discussion of whether labor activity by non-health care employees related to a health care institution should be proscribed or merely regulated. We have examined the debates and hearings and find no such discussion.38
Indeed, the legislative silence is most eloquent. If Congress had thought it was considering such an important restriction on normal collective bargaining prerogatives of non-healthcare employees, we would expect to see vigorous discussion by both congressmen and interested witnesses.39 In[20]*20stead, like the Seventh Circuit, “we are struck by the complete absence anywhere in the not insubstantial legislative history of any reference whatsoever to labor activity involving non-health care employees.”40 This reticence on so important a matter counsels against reading a limitation on union rights into Section 8(g)’s imprecise language.41 If the requisite conditions for minimizing interference with the secondary employer are fulfilled, as they appear to have been in these two cases, reserved-gate picketing on the premises of a secondary employer has long been held lawful under the Act.42 And we operate here under “a rule of construction which cautions against an expansive reading of [a] section which would adversely affect the right to strike, unless the congressional purpose to give it that meaning persuasively appears either from the structure or history of the statute.” 43 This canon is a product not only of a statutory commandment,44 but also of the commonsense proposition that, because labor legislation is “the result of conflict and compromise between strong contending forces and deeply held views,”45 a change in the status quo should not be inferred unless Congress has unmistakably indicated its wish to do so.46
[21]*21In stark contrast to the complete absence of any expressed desire to extend Section 8(g)’s notice requirement to non-healthcare employees, a good many statements indicate that the reason the legislators did not discuss the requirement vis-a-vis such employees is simply that Congress never intended it to apply to any but healthcare workers. When some members voiced concern that Section 8(g) and other precautions might not sufficiently protect patients from healthcare interruptions, Senator Javits read position letters from “the presidents of the four major unions involved in organizing hospital employees,” 47 and Senator Taft argued that “these safeguard procedures will substantially aid health care institutions and their employees settle their disputes responsibly and peacefully . . .”48 Most congressmen tied their discussion of Section 8(g) specifically to healthcare employees,49 and the same linkage permeates the committee reports, wherein healthcare institutions are consistently referred to as “employers” of the employees subject to the notice requirement.50 It is noteworthy, also, that in the reports Section 8(g) is described as “generally prohibiting] a labor organization from striking or picketing a health care institution without first giving 10 days’ notice,”51 which is some indication that the use of “at” in the statute itself was inadvertent.
Lastly, we gain a further hint of the congressional intent from scrutiny of Section 8(g)’s relationship to another provision of the Act. “Since a statute like the TaftHartley Act is an organism, [the section to be interpreted] must be placed in the con[22]*22text of the legislation as a whole.”52 Section 8(d), which is specifically referred to in Section 8(g), was amended at the same time to authorize the Federal Mediation and Conciliation Service to assist in resolving disputes involving “employees of a health care institution.”53 Even if Congress had some feeling that picketing or work-stoppages-by non-healthcare employees might interrupt patient care, Section 8(d) itself shows that it was predominantly concerned with such activities when conducted by healthcare employees. No plausible reason has been suggested why Section 8(g) would require non-healthcare employees to notify the Service of their contemplated actions when the Service has no power to do anything about those activities.54
Y
To be sure, “Congress was deeply concerned with ‘the need to avoid the disruption of patient care wherever possible ’ and . this concern was not limited to those areas in which specific statutory exceptions were enacted.”55 But that disquiet had to be weighed against congressional solicitude for recognized collective bargaining rights of employees. We think Congress inserted the notice provision of Section 8(g) to limit the rights then being granted to employees of healthcare institutions, and not to restrict the rights already possessed by other employees. Congress arrived at what it considered to be a fair balance, and the Board is not free to draw the line elsewhere even in a well-intentioned belief that broader protection of the public interest in health care outweighs the resulting imposition on employees. While we respect an administrative agency’s interpretation of a statute that it is entrusted with enforcing,56 in the end the paramount deference must be extended to Congress itself.57 Where, as here, an agency has misconstrued a congressional directive, our bounden duty is to enforce the congressional will.
The petitions for review are granted, and the cross-applications for enforcement are denied. The orders of the Board herein are reversed, and the cases are remanded to the Board for further proceedings consistent with this opinion.
So ordered.