Jarita Mesa Livestock Grazing Ass'n v. U.S. Forest Serv. & Diana Trujillo
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Opinion
JAMES O. BROWNING, UNITED STATES DISTRICT JUDGE
*1014THIS MATTER comes before the Court on the Plaintiffs' Amended Opening Brief, filed October 18, 2016 (Doc. 181-1)("Opening Brief"). The Court held a hearing on January 26, 2017. The primary issues are: (i) whether the National Environmental Policy Act of 1969, Pub. L. No. 91-190,
FACTUAL BACKGROUND
The historical background surrounding this case predates both the parties before the Court and the Court itself. The individual Plaintiffs raise cattle in northern New Mexico and hold permits that allow their livestock to graze in either the Jarita Mesa Grazing Allotment ("Jarita Mesa Allotment") or the Alamosa Grazing Allotment ("Alamosa Allotment"), depending on the permit. Complaint for Declaratory and Injunctive Relief ¶ 3, at 2-3, filed January 20, 2012 (Doc. 1)("Complaint").2 The Jarita *1015Mesa Allotment and the Alamosa Allotment are both within the El Rito Ranger District of Carson National Forest. See Complaint ¶ 1, at 2. They are also part of the Vallecitos Federal Sustained Yield Unit. See Complaint ¶ 2, at 2. In the Federally Sustained Yield Forest Management Act of 1944, Pub. L. No. 78-273,
1. Historical Background.
The Plaintiffs and their ancestors, however, began grazing livestock on the land that now comprises those Allotments long before the Secretary of Agriculture established the Vallecitos Federal Sustained Yield Unit. See Complaint ¶ 3, at 2-3. The Plaintiffs are the heirs to a "Hispano ranching tradition" that dates back to the colonization of New Mexico by the Spanish in 1598, Carol Raish & Alice M. McSweeney, United States Department of Agriculture, Economic, Social, and Cultural Aspects of Livestock Ranching on the Española and Canjilon Ranger Districts of the Santa Fe and Carson National Forests: A Pilot Study 3 (RMRS-GTR-133, 2003), available at http://doi.org/10.2737/RMRS-GTR-113. The Spanish colonists brought their domesticated plants and animals-including cattle, horses, sheep, and goats-with them and introduced intensive irrigation agriculture, whereas indigenous farming practices relied on "extensive floodwater farming and soil retention techniques." Raish & McSweeney at 3. The Spanish were forced out of northern New Mexico by the Pueblo Revolt of 1680, but Don Diego de Vargas reconquered the area twelve years later. See Raish & McSweeney at 3-4. After the reconquest, the new generation of Spanish colonists "generally worked their own land and maintained relatively cordial relations with the Pueblo Indian groups as both used the land in similar ways." Raish & McSweeney at 4. The modern-day Hispanic villagers and farmers of northern New Mexico are descended from those farmers and ranchers. See Raish & McSweeney at 4.
The Spanish Crown-between 1598 and 1821-and then the Mexican government-between 1821 and 1848-confirmed the settlers' use and ownership of the land by issuing land grants. See Raish & McSweeney at 4. One particular kind of land grant, the community grant, generated a land-ownership that persists even today. See Raish & McSweeney at 4. Community grants gave individual settlers ownership over a building site-for a homestead-as well as a small-five to ten acres-plot of land for farming. See Raish & McSweeney at 4. The lion's share of the land bestowed by a community grant, however, belonged not to any individual settler but, instead, to the settlers as a group, which permitted individuals to "use[ ] the village grazing lands, timberlands, and community pastures as common lands." Raish & McSweeney at 4. That allocation *1016of land supported a small population of subsistence farmers and their animals for centuries with only scattered areas of land overuse near villages. See Raish & McSweeney at 4. Commercial sheep production increased while Mexico controlled the area, which in turn increased the amount of land overuse, but
[t]hroughout the 1800s, local Hispanic and Pueblo residents of the nearby valleys used the plateau as common property, bringing their small herds to the plateau for summer grazing. They also harvested from the abundant timber resources for personal use and small-scale business ventures and planted some summer crops. The small size and noncommercial nature of these operations ensured that sufficient grass and forest resources remained for all who needed them.
Raish & McSweeney at 4. "By the time of the United States occupation of New Mexico, over sixty such community grants were in existence." Christine A. Klein, Treaties of Conquest: Property Rights, Indian Treaties, and the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo,
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JAMES O. BROWNING, UNITED STATES DISTRICT JUDGE
*1014THIS MATTER comes before the Court on the Plaintiffs' Amended Opening Brief, filed October 18, 2016 (Doc. 181-1)("Opening Brief"). The Court held a hearing on January 26, 2017. The primary issues are: (i) whether the National Environmental Policy Act of 1969, Pub. L. No. 91-190,
FACTUAL BACKGROUND
The historical background surrounding this case predates both the parties before the Court and the Court itself. The individual Plaintiffs raise cattle in northern New Mexico and hold permits that allow their livestock to graze in either the Jarita Mesa Grazing Allotment ("Jarita Mesa Allotment") or the Alamosa Grazing Allotment ("Alamosa Allotment"), depending on the permit. Complaint for Declaratory and Injunctive Relief ¶ 3, at 2-3, filed January 20, 2012 (Doc. 1)("Complaint").2 The Jarita *1015Mesa Allotment and the Alamosa Allotment are both within the El Rito Ranger District of Carson National Forest. See Complaint ¶ 1, at 2. They are also part of the Vallecitos Federal Sustained Yield Unit. See Complaint ¶ 2, at 2. In the Federally Sustained Yield Forest Management Act of 1944, Pub. L. No. 78-273,
1. Historical Background.
The Plaintiffs and their ancestors, however, began grazing livestock on the land that now comprises those Allotments long before the Secretary of Agriculture established the Vallecitos Federal Sustained Yield Unit. See Complaint ¶ 3, at 2-3. The Plaintiffs are the heirs to a "Hispano ranching tradition" that dates back to the colonization of New Mexico by the Spanish in 1598, Carol Raish & Alice M. McSweeney, United States Department of Agriculture, Economic, Social, and Cultural Aspects of Livestock Ranching on the Española and Canjilon Ranger Districts of the Santa Fe and Carson National Forests: A Pilot Study 3 (RMRS-GTR-133, 2003), available at http://doi.org/10.2737/RMRS-GTR-113. The Spanish colonists brought their domesticated plants and animals-including cattle, horses, sheep, and goats-with them and introduced intensive irrigation agriculture, whereas indigenous farming practices relied on "extensive floodwater farming and soil retention techniques." Raish & McSweeney at 3. The Spanish were forced out of northern New Mexico by the Pueblo Revolt of 1680, but Don Diego de Vargas reconquered the area twelve years later. See Raish & McSweeney at 3-4. After the reconquest, the new generation of Spanish colonists "generally worked their own land and maintained relatively cordial relations with the Pueblo Indian groups as both used the land in similar ways." Raish & McSweeney at 4. The modern-day Hispanic villagers and farmers of northern New Mexico are descended from those farmers and ranchers. See Raish & McSweeney at 4.
The Spanish Crown-between 1598 and 1821-and then the Mexican government-between 1821 and 1848-confirmed the settlers' use and ownership of the land by issuing land grants. See Raish & McSweeney at 4. One particular kind of land grant, the community grant, generated a land-ownership that persists even today. See Raish & McSweeney at 4. Community grants gave individual settlers ownership over a building site-for a homestead-as well as a small-five to ten acres-plot of land for farming. See Raish & McSweeney at 4. The lion's share of the land bestowed by a community grant, however, belonged not to any individual settler but, instead, to the settlers as a group, which permitted individuals to "use[ ] the village grazing lands, timberlands, and community pastures as common lands." Raish & McSweeney at 4. That allocation *1016of land supported a small population of subsistence farmers and their animals for centuries with only scattered areas of land overuse near villages. See Raish & McSweeney at 4. Commercial sheep production increased while Mexico controlled the area, which in turn increased the amount of land overuse, but
[t]hroughout the 1800s, local Hispanic and Pueblo residents of the nearby valleys used the plateau as common property, bringing their small herds to the plateau for summer grazing. They also harvested from the abundant timber resources for personal use and small-scale business ventures and planted some summer crops. The small size and noncommercial nature of these operations ensured that sufficient grass and forest resources remained for all who needed them.
Raish & McSweeney at 4. "By the time of the United States occupation of New Mexico, over sixty such community grants were in existence." Christine A. Klein, Treaties of Conquest: Property Rights, Indian Treaties, and the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo,
The Mexican-American War drastically changed the way land in northern New Mexico was owned and used. When it signed the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo in 1848, the United States agreed to recognize and protect the property rights of the people who resided in the territory that Mexico ceded to the United States. See Treaty of Peace, Friendship, Limits, and Settlement with the Republic of Mexico, Mex.-U.S., art. VII, February 2, 1948,
Congress acted to provide such a mechanism when, in 1854, it established the office of Surveyor-General for New Mexico. See Act of July 22, 1854, ch. 103, § 1,
The Surveyor-General mechanism, however, was not up to the task of "determining title to some fifteen million square miles of territory." Klein, 26 N.M. L. Rev. at 225. "The time and finances of the surveyor general, for instance, were vastly inadequate," and "congressional action upon the surveyor general's recommendations was notoriously slow." Klein, 26 N.M. L. Rev. at 225. Congress was hesitant to act on the Surveyor-General's recommendations, *1017because those recommendations raised complex legal issues and dealt with large amounts of land; moreover, there was "a pervasive feeling that many unsettled land claims were fraudulent." Klein, 26 N.M. L. Rev. at 225 n.186.
To address the problems associated with the Surveyor-General system, Congress established the Court of Private Land Claims in 1891. See Act of March 8, 1891, ch. 539,
Congress instructed the Court of Private Land Claims to determine the claimants' property rights "according to the law of nations," the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, and the "laws and ordinances" of either Spain or Mexico, depending on which country made the land grant at issue in a particular case. 1891 Act § 7, 26 Stat. at 857. "[E]quity and the usages and customs of the Spanish and Mexican government" are notably absent from that list, so the Court of Private Land Claims "refused to confirm land grants where the letter of the Mexican [or Spanish] law had not been observed, even if customary practices had been followed." Klein, 26 N.M. L. Rev. at 236. In the words of Chief Justice Fuller,
under the act of March 3, 1891, it must appear, in order to the confirmation of a grant by the Court of Private Land Claims, not only that the title was lawfully and regularly derived, but that, if the grant were not complete and perfect, the claimant could, by right and not by grace, have demanded that it should be made perfect by the former government, had the territory not been acquired by the United States.
Ainsa v. United States,
Strict application of legal-as opposed to equitable or customary-rules elevated to prime importance the technical issue whether Spanish and Mexican community land grants conveyed legal title to common lands. See Klein, 26 N.M. L. Rev. at 226. Moreover, "under international law, Mexico could cede only sovereign territory that had not been granted previously to individuals." Klein, 26 N.M. L. Rev. at 236. It follows that,
[i]f the commons belonged to the community, then, post-conquest title would remain in the community. On the other *1018hand, territory retained by the Spanish and Mexican governments for communal use became part of the United States' public domain, even where local communities had relied for generations on the commons for their subsistence.
Klein, 26 N.M. L. Rev at 236. The Supreme Court of the United States tackled that issue in United States v. Sandoval,
2. The Events Giving Rise to the Litigation.
"Today, much of the former grant land in northern New Mexico is managed by Federal agencies, primarily [the Forest Service]," Raish & McSweeney at 5,3 and the Plaintiffs' claims arise out of the Forest Service's management of the Alamosa and Jarita Mesa Allotments. The Forest Service issues ten-year permits that allow their holders to graze a specific number of animals on either the Alamosa Allotment or the Jarita Mesa Allotment. See EA at-(AR 011357). As part of determining the number of grazing permits to issue in 2011 and subsequent years, the Forest Service prepared the EA during 2009 and 2010. See EA at-(AR 011352, 011358). The EA evaluated the environmental impacts of three potential, alternative actions that the Forest Service could take. See EA at-(AR 011363-66). Under the first alternative ("Alternative 1"), the Forest Service would cease issuing grazing permits entirely. See EA at-(AR 011363). Council on Environmental Quality ("CEQ")4 regulations required the Forest Service to consider this alternative. See
The EA compared the effects of each alternative on sixteen different resources. See EA at-(AR 011368-70). Understandably, the EA focuses on classically "environmental" resources, e.g., "Riparian Areas, Water Quality, and Wetlands," EA at-(AR 011512-21), but the EA's sixteen resources include "Economics," EA at-(AR 011466-67); "Social," EA at-(AR 011467); "Environmental Justice," EA at-(AR 011467-68); and "Recreation," EA at-(AR 011464-65). The EA did not, however, recommend or adopt any particular alternative. Instead, the EA served to inform agency decision-making by "disclos[ing] the direct, indirect, and cumulative environmental impacts that would result from the implementation of the proposed action and alternatives." EA at-(AR 011357).
On September 20, 2010, Trujillo decided to implement Alternative 3, which calls for an eighteen percent grazing reduction. See Decision Notice and Finding of No Significant Impact at-(AR 011488)(dated September 20, 2010)(AR 011488-500)("DN/FONSI"). The DN/FONSI indicates that she considered the EA in making her decision; see DN/FONSI at-(AR 011488); "fully underst[oo]d the economic impact this decision will have on local livestock operators"; DN/FONSI at-(AR 011493); and decided to reduce grazing to pre-1980 levels, because "[t]he effects of the 18% increase in permitted livestock have now been evaluated and determined to be unsustainable"; DN/FONSI at-(AR 011492). Trujillo also determined that her decision would "not have a significant effect on the human environment[;] therefore an environmental impact statement will not be prepared." DN/FONSI at-(AR 011494).
Dissatisfied with Trujillo's decision, the Plaintiffs filed two administrative appeals. See Notice of Appeal for Jarita Mesa Livestock Grazing Association, Alamosa Livestock Grazing Association and Board of County Commissioners of the County of Rio Arriba of the El Rito District EA and FONSI (Appeal # 11-03-02-0002-A215)(dated November 29, 2010), filed with the Forest Service November 29, 2010 (AR 011505-19); Letter from Steve Chavez to Diana M. Trujillo, District Ranger (Appeal # 11-03-02-0001-A215)(dated October 30, 2010), filed with the Forest Service December 3, 2010 (AR 011503-04). District Ranger John D. Pierson was the Forest Service Appeal Reviewing Officer as to both appeals. See Letter from John D. Pierson to Kendall Clark (dated January 10, 2011)(AR 011525-26, 011539-40)("Pierson Letter"). Because the Appeals raised similar issues, Pierson consolidated the Appeals and issued a single recommendation. See Pierson Letter at-(AR 011526, 011540). Pierson concluded that Trujillo "conducted a proper and public NEPA process," and Pierson "found no violations of law, regulations, or Forest Service policy." Pierson Letter at-(AR 011526, 011540). Accordingly Pierson recommended that Trujillo's "decisions relating to this appeal be affirmed with respect to all of the appellant's contention." Pierson Letter at-(AR 011526, 011540). On January 10, 2011, Pierson submitted to Kendall Clark, Clarkson National Forest's Forest Supervisor: (i) his consolidated recommendation, see Pierson Letter at-(AR 011525-26, 011539-40); and (ii) a separate Review and Findings for each appeal, see Review and Findings for Appeal # 11-03-02-0001-A215 (undated)(AR 011522-24); Review and Findings for Appeal # 11-03-02-0002-A215 (undated)(AR 011530-38). Clark was the Forest Service Appeal Deciding Officer as to both appeals, and, after a detailed review of the record and Pierson's recommendation, Clark decided to affirm Trujillo's decision. See Letter from Kendall *1020Clark to Steve Chavez at-(AR 011521), (dated January 13, 2011)(AR 011520-21); Letter from Kendall Clark to Ted Trujillo at-(AR 011529)(dated January 13, 2011)(AR 011528-29).
PROCEDURAL HISTORY
The Plaintiffs filed their Complaint, which contains nine counts against the Forest Service and Trujillo, with the Court on January 20, 2012. See Complaint ¶¶ 111-46, at 47-53. The Court dismissed the Complaint's First Count on September 30, 2013, for failure to exhaust administrative remedies. See Order, filed September 30, 2013 (Doc. 102). See also Amended Memorandum Opinion,
On September 30, 2015, the Court dismissed Counts Three, Four, Six, Seven, Eight, and Nine, because the Plaintiffs failed to exhaust their administrative remedies. See Memorandum Opinion and Order at 84-93, filed September 30, 2015 (Doc. 168)("Administrative Exhaustion MOO"). Count Three alleges that the Defendants violated NEPA by failing to develop a proper baseline using the best available science. See Complaint ¶¶ 120-23, at 49. Count Four alleges that the Defendants violated NEPA by failing to consider reducing the wild horse and elk populations on the Alamosa and Jarita Mesa Allotments as an alternative to reducing the number of grazing permits. See Complaint ¶¶ 124-127, at 49-50. Counts Six and Seven allege that the Defendants violated the National Forest Management Act,
Only Counts Two and Five, thus, remain before the Court. In Count Two, the Plaintiffs allege that the Defendants violated NEPA, because they did not take a hard look at the social, economic, and environmental justice5 impacts of their decision to decrease grazing in the Alamosa and Jarita Mesa Allotments. See Complaint ¶¶ 116-19, at 48-49. The Plaintiffs say that the EA's analysis of those impacts was "cursory at best and does not rise to the level of the hard look required under NEPA." Complaint ¶ 118, at 48. In Count Five, the Plaintiffs allege that Trujillo decided to reduce grazing "long before the Final EA was even issued." Complaint ¶ 130, at 50. Consequently, according to the Plaintiffs, Trujillo violated regulations requiring her to "consider the alternatives analyzed in an EA before rendering a decision." Complaint ¶ 129, at 50.
*1021Although the Plaintiffs style their initial filing as a "Complaint," it functions-insofar as the Plaintiffs seek judicial review of an administrative action under the judicial review provisions of the Administrative Procedure Act,
1. The Opening Brief.
The Plaintiffs filed their Opening Brief on October 18, 2016. Opening Brief at 59. The Plaintiffs argue that the Defendants were obliged to consider the Plaintiffs' social and historical context when determining the amount of grazing to permit on the Alamosa and Jarita Mesa Allotments. See Opening Brief at 44. The Plaintiffs observe that "their families and communities are typical of the small, poor land-based communities in northern New Mexico who historically had rights and access to, and always have depended on, the common property of their land grants that now comprises these two allotments for the pasturage and grazing of their livestock." Opening Brief at 44-45. The Plaintiffs contend that, to take a hard look at social, cultural, and economic effects of their decision to reduce grazing, the Defendants should have employed research methods much like those employed in the 2003 pilot study conducted by Carol Raish Alicia M. McSweeney. See Opening Brief at 45-46 (citing Raish & McSweeney at 3, 34-44). According to the Plaintiffs, that study and its research methodology offer "both analogous data and a template for how the Forest Service readily could have obtained the kind of information necessary to meaningfully consider the [Defendants' decision's] social, cultural, and economic effects." Opening Brief at 46. The Plaintiffs state that, instead of conducting that inquiry, the Defendants "summarily declare[d] that reduction of permittees permitted grazing by nearly a fifth would have no significant effect on the Plaintiffs." Opening Brief at 46. The Plaintiffs admit, however, that "the Defendants were not required to replicate the entire process followed by Raish and McSweeny," but the Plaintiffs maintain that the Defendants should have "engage[d] in at least a somewhat genuinely informed and robust evaluation ... which necessarily would have entailed gathering additional data from the affected permittees and communities." Opening Brief at 50.
The Plaintiffs take particular issue with the EA's economic analysis' reliance on "a minimal, cursory, look at cattle commodity prices." Opening Brief at 47. According to the Plaintiffs,
the Defendants' simplistic subtraction of a small percentage of the overall value of the pre-decision number of cattle permitted to graze on these allotments failed to recognize both: (1) the fact that the elimination of access to these allotments for part of the year would cause the permittees to lose the entire value of the number of cattle no longer permitted because they do not have access to alternative private pasturage for those cattle;
*1022and (2) the fact that the loss of those cows would result in significant secondary losses in calf production.
Opening Brief at 47. The Plaintiffs identify another reason why the EA oversimplified its economic analysis by looking solely at commodity prices:
[T]he beef from the cattle they raise is not simply sold as a commodity at auction. It also is shared by Plaintiffs and other permittees with members of their extended families, providing that larger population of local residents with healthy and inexpensive meat on which they depend for a vital part of their diet.
Opening Brief at 32.
In support of their contention that Trujillo "failed to examine the analysis and findings of the EA prior to making her decision to reduce grazing by 18%," Opening Brief at 54, the Plaintiffs observe that, for all their criticism of the EA, it "adopt[ed] Alternative 2 [maintaining pre-2011 grazing levels] as the Proposed Action," Opening Brief at 52. The Plaintiffs contend that, by reducing grazing levels, Trujillo thus "disregarded the analysis contained in the EA" and "ma[de] good on her predetermined decision." Opening Brief at 28. As evidence that Trujillo predetermined her decision, the Plaintiffs point to Trujillo's comments at a January 11, 2010 meeting of the Jarita Mesa Grazing Association, which "suggest[ ] that regardless of what the EA recommended after two years of study [with Alternative 2] as the proposed action, she would see that Alternative 3, which mandated an 18% reduction in permits, was chosen." Opening Brief at 22.
2. The Response.
On November 11, 2016, the Defendants filed the Federal Defendants' Response Brief on the Merits, filed November 11, 2016 (Doc. 184)("Response"). The Defendants begin by asserting that they did not violate NEPA by failing to take a hard look at reducing grazing's social and economic impacts. See Response at 26. The Defendants justify that conclusion with two alternative rationales. See Response at 26-28; 30-32.
First, the Defendants argue that NEPA requires agencies to assess their actions' environmental impacts only, and that the economic and social impacts identified by the Plaintiffs are not environmental impacts. See Response at 26-28. According to the Defendants, economic and social impacts that are caused by an action's effect on the physical environment, " 'the world around us, so to speak,' " qualify as environmental impacts, but economic and social impacts that flow directly from agency action are not. Response at 27-28 (quoting Metropolitan Edison Co. v. People Against Nuclear Energy,
Second, the Defendants argue that, even if NEPA requires analysis of socioeconomic impacts, they satisfied that requirement. See Response at 32. The Defendants contend that-contrary to the Plaintiffs' suggestion-the Forest Service "did, in fact, consider, assess, and give great weight to the economic and social aspects of the decision to reauthorize livestock grazing on the Alamosa and Jarita Mesa Allotments." Response at 32. The Defendants highlight Trujillo's conclusion in the DN/FONSI that reducing the amount of grazing "would have more socioeconomic benefits" than maintaining the status quo, because,
[w]hile on the surface, a cancellation of the temporary increase appears to be a negative effect on the permittees, the expected result of improved conditions that support a reliable grazing operation that would be more resilient to changing weather conditions would be beneficial to maintaining into the future the opportunity to continue grazing cattle, as has been so important to the local communities for many generations.
Response at 47 (quoting DN/FONSI at-(AR 011493) ).
The Defendants next assert that Trujillo did not predetermine the NEPA process' outcome. See Response at 48-50. The Defendants argue that predetermination " 'occurs only when an agency irreversibly and irretrievably commits itself to a plan of action that is dependent upon the NEPA environmental analysis producing a certain outcome, before the agency has completed that environmental analysis,' " and that the record contains "no evidence to support such a finding by the Court." Response at 45 (emphasis in original)(quoting Forest Guardians v. U.S. Fish & Wildlife Serv.,
The Defendants also assert that the Plaintiffs erroneously suggest that Trujillo disregarded the EA when she decided to decrease grazing, because " 'the EA adopted Alternative 2' (existing livestock numbers) as the 'Proposed Action.' " Response at 51 (quoting Opening Brief at 52). The Defendants explain:
Plaintiffs misapprehend how the NEPA process is supposed to work, and how it worked here. The Administrative Record demonstrates that the proposed action was developed and identified long before the EA was prepared, and that the EA did not "adopt" or identify Alternative 2 as the preferred or even an acceptable alternative. These same Administrative Record documents also demonstrate that it was District Ranger Trujillo who first designated the proposed action as maintaining existing livestock numbers, that she continued to consider this alternative as the proposed action throughout the NEPA process, and she did not select Alternative 3 until the Decision Notice. The District Ranger thus complied with the requirement *1024that she "[c]onsider[ ] the alternatives analyzed in environmental document(s) before rendering a decision on the proposal."36 C.F.R. § 220.4 (c)(4).
Response at 53.
3. The Reply.
The Plaintiffs filed their reply brief on December 16, 2016. See Plaintiffs' Reply Brief, filed December 16, 2016 (Doc. 187)("Reply"). The Plaintiffs reiterate their argument that NEPA requires the Defendants to take a hard look at the social, economic, and environmental justice impacts of reducing grazing on the Alamosa and Jarita Mesa Allotments. Reply at 9. The Plaintiffs suggest that the Court disposed of this issue in its Administrative Exhaustion MOO. See Reply at 9. In support of that suggestion, the Plaintiffs cite portions of the Administrative Exhaustion MOO where the Court determined: (i) that the Plaintiffs satisfied the injury-in-fact requirement of Article III of the Constitution of the United States of America; and (ii) that the Plaintiffs satisfied the APA-imposed requirement that their injuries fall within NEPA's zone of interests. See Reply at 9, 11-13 (citing Administrative Exhaustion MOO at 53-60, 71-76).
The Plaintiffs argue that the Defendants did not take a hard look at the social, economic, and environmental justice impacts of reducing grazing. See Reply at 14. The Plaintiffs contend that Trujillo's assertion that she fully considered "such effects ... does not square with the minimal, conclusory statements made in the record, which do not reflect any consideration of detailed information on potential social and economic effects or any consideration of cumulative social and economic effects." Reply at 17. The Plaintiffs contend that, "[a]s a consequence" of those minimal and conclusory statements, "there simply is not sufficient evidence in the record for a decision-maker to have reached an informed, reasoned determination as to what the social, cultural, and economic effects of challenged management decision were likely to be, or what their level of significance might be." Reply at 19.
The Plaintiffs assert that, in their Opening Brief, they "cited a variety of record evidence that is probative of predetermination." Reply at 22. According to the Plaintiffs, that evidence shows that Trujillo determined, before the EA was complete, that she would reduce the grazing on the Alamosa and Jarita Mesa Allotments by eighteen percent. See Reply at 22. The Plaintiffs argue that they do not need to "point[ ] to a formal express commitment by Defendant Trujillo to the grazing reduction prior to the" DN/FONSI to establish predetermination. Reply at 22.
4. The Hearing.
The Court held a hearing on January 26, 2017. See Transcript of Evidentiary Hearing, held January 26, 2017 ("Tr.").7 The Court began the hearing by asking the Plaintiffs to refresh its memory regarding the Administrative Exhaustion MOO's holding. See Tr. at 3:3-6 (Court). The Plaintiffs obliged:
I believe you said with regard to Count 2 ... that where the social and economic or cultural effects of an action or decision are interrelated with, and resulting from the action itself and its effects on the physical environment, that gives rise to an obligation on the part of the agency to consider those types of impacts. And that the allegations in the complaint clearly set forth such a failure to consider those impacts....
*1025Tr. at 3:9-22 (Herskovits). The Court then asked the Plaintiffs to confirm that their argument is that although the Forest Service "looked at the social and cultural problems ... it wasn't a hard enough look." Tr. at 6:4-7, 6:10-11 (Court). The Plaintiffs replied that, while they believe that the Forest Service "failed to meet the standard of a hard look," they would go further than the Court's characterization of their argument, because "[t]here is nothing material that shows any consideration of the actual facts or details of the kinds of social, economic, cultural, effects or spiritual effects." Tr. at 6:13-22 (Herskovits).
The Court asked the Plaintiffs how they would write the statement "so that the social and economic effects on the plaintiffs of this EA are tied to the physical environment effects of [the Forest Service's] decision ... so that the Government can't complain that ... they have no obligation under NEPA to address just social and cultural [effects]." Tr. at 19:21-20:1 (Court). The Plaintiffs provided a formulation: "[I]mpos[ing] a grazing reduction ... while permitting existing and overtime increased elk and wild horse grazing on the same allotments has caused social[,] ... cultural[,] and economic impacts, ... which under NEPA [means] that the Defendants [must] take a hard look...." Tr. at 21:10-17 (Herskovits).8
The Court then refocused the discussion on the Plaintiffs' argument that Trujillo "already made [her] determination before she wrote the EA or [the] EA was prepared." Tr. at 30:11-15 (Court). The Court asked the Plaintiffs whether, if the Court agrees with the Plaintiffs' argument, "that's a home run for you, that you can't do it that way, that's the reason it's there, is that correct." Tr. at 30:15-17 (Court). The Plaintiffs answered that, while they "would never use the term 'home run,' " they believe that, if they prevail on either Count 2 or Count 5, "then, obviously, there has been a violation of NEPA." Tr. at 30:19-23 (Herskovits). Turning to the substance of their predetermination argument, the Plaintiffs then stated that the Defendants apply an incorrect legal standard when they "argue that nothing short of an express declaration ... that they were definitively committing resources ... in an irrevocable fashion to make a certain decision before engaging in a NEPA review process ... allow[s] a court to conclude that an improper predetermination ha[s] been made." Tr. at 38:24-39:8 (Herskovits). The Plaintiffs argue that, instead, courts can "look at inconsistencies ... between the record and the purported justification for a decision ... and find on that basis alone that there is a sufficient evidentiary foundation for finding that the agency improperly predetermined its decision." Tr. at 39:21-40:2 (Herskovits).
The Defendants then took to the podium and began by explaining that the Court's statements in its Administrative Exhaustion MOO addressed whether the Plaintiffs "ha[d] standing for a NEPA claim[, which] is actually lower than the bar for ... showing [that] a particular effect must be considered in a NEPA process." Tr. at 46:21-24 (Smith). The Court asked the Defendants to confirm that they were not asking the Court to reconsider anything in its Administrative Exhaustion MOO, see Tr. at 47:6-8 (Court), and the Defendants obliged by stating that, in the briefing on *1026the Administrative Exhaustion MOO, "[w]e didn't r[a]ise the merits of the NEPA claim in any respect," Tr. at 47:12-13 (Smith).
The Defendants argued that the Forest Service did not need to look at its decision to reduce grazing's "socioeconomic impact," because the "socioeconomic impacts aren't cause[d] by a change in the physical environment caused by the proposed action. [The Plaintiffs'] socioeconomic impacts are caused by the income loss or the loss of the livestock ... that they would like to continue grazing." Tr. at 75:16-23 (Smith). The Defendants elaborated that, under NEPA, an agency needs to consider an action's socioeconomic impacts when there is a causal relationship between the action's impact on the physical environment and resultant socioeconomic impact. See Tr. at 80:5-14 (Smith).
The Plaintiffs then began their rebuttal. See Tr. at 101:11-14 (Herskovits). The Plaintiffs conceded that "there needs to be a causal relationship. There needs to be a relatively close one between the type of social or economic effect that's at issue and the environmental effect or change to the environment.... There is no dispute about that." Tr. at 107:14-20 (Herskovits). The Plaintiffs argued, however, that one effect of the Forest Service's decision on the physical environment is that it reduced the number of livestock grazing on the Alamosa and Jarita Mesa Allotments. See Tr. at 110:5-8 (Herskovits). The Plaintiffs then said that this impact on the physical environment "clearly leads directly or relatively directly to economic harms and social harms that have been described in our briefing and in the complaint." Tr. at 111:14-17 (Herskovits).
STATUTORY AND REGULATORY BACKGROUND
NEPA requires federal agencies to
include in every recommendation or report on proposals for legislation and other major Federal actions significantly affecting the quality of the human environment, a detailed statement by the responsible official on-
(i) the environmental impact of the proposed action,
(ii) any adverse environmental effects which cannot be avoided should the proposal be implemented,
(iii) alternatives to the proposed action,
(iv) the relationship between local short-term uses of man's environment and the maintenance and enhancement of long-term productivity, and
(v) any irreversible and irretrievable commitments of resources which would be involved in the proposed action should it be implemented.
CEQ regulations provide guidance on NEPA's implementation. See
Second, if an agency is unsure whether an EIS is required for a proposed action, i.e., whether the action qualifies as a "major Federal action[ ] significantly affecting the quality of the human environment,"
Third, an agency can determine that an EIS is not required without needing to prepare an EA when the proposed action falls within a categorical exclusion ("CE"). See
LAW REGARDING JUDICIAL REVIEW OF AGENCY ACTIONS
Under the APA,
[a] person suffering legal wrong because of agency action, or adversely affected or aggrieved by agency action within the meaning of a relevant statute, is entitled to judicial review thereof. An action in a court of the United States seeking relief other than money damages and stating a claim that an agency or an officer or employee thereof acted or failed to act in an official capacity or under color of legal authority shall not be dismissed nor relief therein be denied on the ground that it is against the United States or that the United States is an indispensable party. The United States may be named as a defendant in any such action, and a judgment or decree may be entered against the United States: Provided, that any mandatory or injunctive decree shall specify the Federal *1028officer or officers (by name or by title), and their successors in office, personally responsible for compliance. Nothing herein (1) affects other limitations on judicial review or the power or duty of the court to dismiss any action or deny relief on any other appropriate legal or equitable ground; or (2) confers authority to grant relief if any other statute that grants consent to suit expressly or impliedly forbids the relief which is sought.
(1) compel agency action unlawfully withheld or unreasonably delayed; and
(2) hold unlawful and set aside agency action, findings, and conclusions found to be-
(A) arbitrary, capricious, an abuse of discretion, or otherwise not in accordance with law;
(B) contrary to constitutional right, power, privilege, or immunity;
(C) in excess of statutory jurisdiction, authority, or limitations, or short of statutory right;
(D) without observance of procedure required by law;
(E) unsupported by substantial evidence in a case subject to sections 556 and 557 of this title or otherwise reviewed on the record of an agency hearing provided by statute; or
(F) unwarranted by the facts to the extent that the facts are subject to trial de novo by the reviewing court.
Through
Pursuant to Olenhouse v. Commodity Credit Corp.,
Under the APA, a reviewing court must affirm an agency decision unless it is "arbitrary, capricious, an abuse of discretion, or otherwise not in accordance with law."
*1029Wyoming v. United States,
In determining whether the agency acted in an arbitrary and capricious manner, we must ensure that the agency decision was based on a consideration of the relevant factors and examine whether there has been a clear error of judgment. We consider an agency decision arbitrary and capricious if the agency relied on factors which Congress had not intended it to consider, entirely failed to consider an important aspect of the problem, offered an explanation for its decision that runs counter to the evidence before the agency, or is so implausible that it could not be ascribed to a difference in view or the product of agency expertise.
Colo. Envtl. Coal. v. Dombeck,
LAW REGARDING ENVIRONMENTAL IMPACTS
CEQ regulations use the terms "effects" and "impacts" synonymously, and define them capaciously: "Effects includes ecological (such as the effects on natural resources and on the components, structures, and functioning of affected ecosystems), aesthetic, historic, cultural, economic, social, or health, whether direct, indirect, or cumulative."
To determine whether a particular effect qualifies as an environmental effect, courts "must look at the relationship between that effect and the change in the physical environment caused by the major federal action at issue." Metropolitan Edison Co. v. People Against Nuclear Energy,
*1030LAW REGARDING EA SUFFICIENCY
According to the Tenth Circuit, an EA is, by design, less detailed than an EIS:
An EA is essentially a more concise and less detailed version of an EIS. One of the principal purposes of an EA is to "[b]riefly provide sufficient evidence and analysis for determining whether to prepare an [EIS] or a [FONSI]." By conducting an EA, an agency considers environmental concerns yet reserves its resources for instances where a full EIS is appropriate. The EA must "include brief discussions of the need for the proposal, of alternatives ..., of the environmental impacts of the proposed actions and alternatives, and a listing of agencies and persons consulted."
Utah Shared Access All. v. U.S. Forest Service,
In Utah Shared Access Alliance v. U.S. Forest Service, the Tenth Circuit commented that, "[i]t is true here, as it is in every case, that the agency could have discussed the relevant environmental impacts in greater detail. Yet the EA in this case was hardly superficial, and it was consistent with the fundamental purpose of an EA...."
[c]ommon sense alone suggests that a haphazard system of roads in close proximity to lakes would likely be a significant cause of erosion, and there is no dispute that agency personnel documented significant visible effects of lake sedimentation from the roads on Boulder Top.... It was not arbitrary or capricious for the Forest Service to rely upon such observations and informed opinions, nor was it arbitrary or capricious for the Service to conclude that the roads on Boulder Top were a major source of lake sedimentation that needed to be remedied.
LAW REGARDING NEPA PREDETERMINATION
CEQ regulations state that "[a]gencies shall not commit resources prejudicing selection of alternatives before making a final decision."
Agencies can, however, "have a preferred alternative in mind when it conducts a NEPA analysis." Forest Guardians v. U.S. Fish & Wildlife Serv.,
"[P]redetermination occurs only when an agency irreversibly and irretrievably commits itself to a plan of action that is dependent upon the NEPA environmental analysis producing a certain outcome, before the agency has completed that environmental analysis...." Forest Guardians v. U.S. Fish & Wildlife Serv.,
ANALYSIS
The Court concludes that the Defendants did not violate NEPA by failing to properly analyze the social, economic, and environmental justice effects of their decision to reduce the number of grazing permits by eighteen percent. The Court also concludes that the Defendants did not violate NEPA by predetermining their decision before completing the NEPA process. Accordingly, the Court affirms the administrative appeal's decision.
I. THE SOCIOECONOMIC EFFECTS THAT GRAZING PERMIT REDUCTIONS CAUSE ARE NOT ENVIRONMENTAL EFFECTS, SO THE DEFENDANTS COULD NOT VIOLATE NEPA BY FAILING TO ANALYZE THEM.
NEPA requires federal agencies to determine whether their actions will have *1032significant environmental effects, but it does not require agencies to consider the non-environmental effects of their actions. The Court determines that the Plaintiffs identify socioeconomic effects that are not environmental effects, which is consistent with the Court's earlier determinations in the Administrative Exhaustion MOO. It follows that the Defendants could not violate NEPA by failing to consider those effects, so the Court will dismiss Count Two of the Complaint.
A. NEPA REQUIRES AGENCIES TO CONSIDER ONLY THE ENVIRONMENTAL EFFECTS OF THEIR ACTIONS.
NEPA requires agencies to prepare an EIS only when a proposed agency action will significantly affect "the quality of the human environment."
B. THE SOCIOECONOMIC EFFECTS THAT THE PLAINTIFFS IDENTIFY ARE NOT ENVIRONMENTAL EFFECTS.
A socioeconomic impact qualifies as an environmental impact when agency action causes a change in the physical environment-"the world around us, so to speak"-that bears a "reasonably close causal relationship" to the socioeconomic impact. Metropolitan Edison Co. v. People Against Nuclear Energy,
In this case, the agency action at issue is the Forest Service's decision to issue eighteen percent fewer grazing permits for the Alamosa and Jarita Mesa Allotments. That action is not itself a change in the physical environment, but it will cause such changes, e.g.: (i) improving the range condition9 from "poor to fair condition in most pastures" to "fair or better condition in all pastures"; (ii) improving rangeland grazing capacity;10 (iii) decreasing soil compaction;
*1033and (iv) increasing streambank stability. EA at-(AR 011368).
The Plaintiffs identify socioeconomic impacts that the Defendants' action directly causes and not impacts which changes in the physical environment that the action brings. The Plaintiffs-along with their families and communities-have long depended on access to "the common property of their land grants that now comprises these two allotments for the pasturage and grazing of their livestock." Opening Brief at 44. The Plaintiffs have decreased access to grazing and pasturage on the Alamosa and Jarita Mesa Allotments, because the Forest Service has issued fewer grazing permits and not because the decreased number of permits has caused some change to the land that makes up those Allotments. Even if the EA was incorrect and, surprisingly enough, decreasing the number of grazing permits did not change the Alamosa and Jarita Mesa Allotments in any way, the Plaintiffs would still have decreased access to grazing and pasturage. Because that access decrease would occur even if there were no changes to the physical environment, it follows that the access decrease is not caused-even in a "but for" sense-by any changes to the physical environment that the Forest Service's action actually produces. Consequently, the Plaintiffs' decreased access to grazing and pasturage-and all of the social, economic, and environmental justice effects that flow from it-do not constitute environmental impacts.
In other circumstances, however, decreased access to the Alamosa and Jarita Mesa Allotments for grazing and pasturage would constitute an environmental impact. For example, Forest Service action-e.g., introducing an insect or disease that kills grassy plants-could make the Alamosa and Jarita Mesa Allotments unsuitable for cattle grazing. In that case, a change to the land itself-and not just a change in Forest Services regulations regarding the use of the land-would cause the Plaintiffs to be unable to graze their cattle. The resulting socioeconomic impacts would be, consequently, environmental impacts.
Because the socioeconomic impacts identified by the Plaintiffs are not environmental impacts, the Defendants could not violate NEPA by failing to consider them. The Court, accordingly, dismisses Count Two of the Complaint.
C. THE COURT'S CONCLUSION THAT NO NEPA VIOLATION OCCURRED IS CONSISTENT WITH ITS EARLIER DETERMINATION THAT THE PLAINTIFFS HAVE STANDING UNDER NEPA.
In its Administrative Exhaustion MOO, the Court concluded that the Plaintiffs alleged NEPA violations that increased the risk of environmental harm. See Administrative Exhaustion MOO at 56-57. The Court also concluded that the increased risk of environmental harm qualified as a particularized harm-vis-à-vis the Plaintiffs-because the Plaintiffs' centuries-old cultural ties to the land that now makes up the Alamosa and Jarita Mesa Allotments mean that the Plaintiffs have a personal interest in the health of that land. See Administrative Exhaustion MOO at 57-58. See also id. at 73 ("The Plaintiffs depend on the Allotments' land and resources, and therefore seek to preserve its environmental integrity."). The Court, accordingly, determined that Plaintiffs had standing to assert the NEPA violations alleged in their Complaint. See Administrative Exhaustion MOO at 53. The Court also determined that the Plaintiffs fell within the zone of interests that NEPA protects, because "they assert that, by failing to follow the NEPA's procedures, the *1034Defendants created an increased risk of environmental harm to the Allotments' environmental resources, which thereby harms them socially, culturally, recreationally, aesthetically, economically, and environmentally." Administrative Exhaustion MOO at 72.
In essence, the Court concluded that the Plaintiffs' cultural, social, and economic ties are such that the Plaintiffs have an interest in making sure that the Defendants comply with NEPA. Whether the Defendants actually complied with NEPA is a separate issue. Similarly, that an environmental harm to the land "thereby harms [the Plaintiffs] socially, culturally, ... [and] economically," Administrative Exhaustion MOO at 72, does not mean that environmental harms to the land cause all the Plaintiffs' social, cultural, and economic harms. The Court's determination that the socioeconomic impacts identified by the Plaintiffs are not environmental impacts is thus consistent with its earlier determinations in the Administrative Exhaustion MOO.
D. THE DEFENDANTS DID NOT VIOLATE NEPA EVEN IF THE SOCIOECONOMIC IMPACTS IDENTIFIED BY THE PLAINTIFFS ARE ENVIRONMENTAL EFFECTS.
So long as an agency makes a "reasoned evaluation of the available information and its method [of analysis] was not arbitrary or capricious," an EA satisfies NEPA's "hard look" requirement. Utah Shared Access All. v. U.S. Forest Service,
The EA contains discussions of economic, social, and environmental justice impacts of the Defendants' decision to reduce grazing permits for the Alamosa and Jarita Mesa allotments by eighteen percent. See EA at-(AR 011466-68). Those discussions acknowledge the Plaintiffs' historical, social, and cultural context. For example, the EA states, with respect to environmental justice
Native Americans have been present in the area for at least the past 1,000 years and Spanish settlers arrived in the area about 400 years ago. Many families in the study area trace their ancestry back to these original inhabitants. As such, there are strong ties to the land and a reliance on the natural resources of the forest.
All the communities within the El Rito area would fall under the minority and/or low-income populations identified in the Environmental Justice Executive Order 12898. Generally, environmental justice is concerned with identifying these communities and ensuring that they are involved in and understand the potential effects of the proposed action. The people in the study area communities are interested in maintaining their historic and subsistence lifestyle, using the surrounding area to gather resources needed. Elimination of livestock grazing on national forest system lands would negatively affect this lifestyle.
EA at-(AR 011468). Similarly, the EA's discussion of social effects observes that:
Small-scale producers stress the importance of the quality of life that ranching provides them and their families. Owning livestock is an important way of reaffirming ties to their ancestral lands and heritage. Preserving this working relationship with the land so it can be passed on to their children along with a feeling of self-sufficiency is a cornersto *1035ne of their values. Generally speaking, the more rural and remote the community, ranching becomes more important.
EA at-(AR 011467). The EA's discussion of economics acknowledges that the EA's economic analysis is based on "a very general estimate of income, not profit, and doesn't include the various expenses that normal livestock operations require," but the EA contends that "[i]t gives a general idea of income being generated from the livestock operation on the analysis area and is a basis for comparison of alternatives." EA at-(AR 011466). The EA thus compares economic impacts in a rational way even though that comparison is not as comprehensive as the Plaintiffs desire. See Opening Brief at 32-33. The EA, thus, makes a reasoned evaluation of the available information regarding social, economic, and environmental justice effects.
That the EA did not conduct a full-scale sociological study akin to the 2003 pilot study that Carol Raish and Alicia M. McSweeney conducted-and that the Plaintiffs laud, see Opening Brief at 45-46-does not mean that the EA violated NEPA. There is no particular method of analysis that an EA needs to apply. See Utah Shared Access All. v. U.S. Forest Service,
II. THE DEFENDANTS DID NOT VIOLATE NEPA BY IRREVERSIBLY AND IRREVOCABLY COMMITING THEMSELVES TO A PARTICULAR DECISION BEFORE THE NEPA PROCESS WAS COMPLETE.
The NEPA process is meant to "insure that presently unquantified environmental amenities and value may be given appropriate consideration in decisionmaking,"
Federal agencies do not, however, have to operate beneath a Rawlsian veil of ignorance until the NEPA process is complete. Agencies can have a preferred alternative when they conduct a NEPA analysis, see
The Plaintiffs identify three pieces of record evidence that, they argue, indicate that the Defendants predetermined their *1036decision to reduce grazing permits by eighteen percent. First, the Plaintiffs contend that Trujillo's comments at the January 11, 2010 meeting of the Jarita Mesa Grazing Association indicate that she had decided to reduce the number of grazing permits months before the EA's completion. See Opening Brief at 22. The Administrative Record, however, indicates that Trujillo only stated that "[i]t is looking like the 18% temporary increase of 30 years ago will be rescinded." Jarita Mesa Allotment Meeting Minutes at-(AR 010910), (dated January 11, 2010)(AR 010909-10). Second, the Plaintiffs state that Trujillo disregarded the EA's designation of Alternative 2, which would have maintained the existing number of grazing permits as the proposed action. See Opening Brief at 52. The Defendants, however, correctly observe that
[the] Plaintiffs misapprehend how the NEPA process is supposed to work, and how it worked here. The Administrative Record demonstrates that the proposed action was developed and identified long before the EA was prepared, and that the EA did not "adopt" or identify Alternative 2 as the preferred or even an acceptable alternative. These same Administrative Record documents also demonstrate that it was District Ranger Trujillo who first designated the proposed action as maintaining existing livestock numbers, that she continued to consider this alternative as the proposed action throughout the NEPA process, and she did not select Alternative 3 until the Decision Notice. The District Ranger thus complied with the requirement that she "[c]onsider[ ] the alternatives analyzed in environmental document(s) before rendering a decision on the proposal."36 C.F.R. § 220.4 (c)(4).
Third, the Plaintiffs contend that the EA contradicts the rationale which the DN/FONSI states. See Opening Brief at 53. The EA states that, under Alternative 2, range condition is likely to continue in a stable trend and remain in poor to fair condition whereas, under Alternative 3, range condition will likely improve to fair or better condition. See EA at-(AR 011368). The DN/FONSI states that "[t]he effects of the 18% increase in permitted livestock have now been evaluated and determined to be unsustainable." DN/FONSI at-(AR 011492). The DN/FONSI also indicates that Trujillo "chose[ ] not to permit a higher number of livestock than the scientific data indicates that the analysis area is capable of supporting." DN/FONSI at-(AR 011492). Contrary to the Plaintiffs' suggestion, see Opening Brief at 53, those statements are not inconsistent. That the range capacity would not further deteriorate under Alternative 2 does not mean that poor to fair range capacity is a sustainable state of affairs.
The three pieces of record evidence that the Plaintiffs identify do not, either individually or collectively, indicate that the Defendants irreversibly and irretrievably committed themselves to a plan of action before the NEPA process was complete. The Defendants, therefore, did not violate NEPA by predetermining their decision. The Court, accordingly, dismisses Count Five of the Complaint.
IT IS ORDERED that (i) Count Two of the Complaint for Declaratory and Injunctive Relief, filed January 20, 2012 (Doc. 1) is dismissed; (ii) Count Five of the Complaint for Declaratory and Injunctive Relief, filed January 20, 2012 (Doc. 1) is dismissed; and (iii) the decision of the administrative appeal is affirmed.
Related
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301 F. Supp. 3d 1010, Counsel Stack Legal Research, https://law.counselstack.com/opinion/jarita-mesa-livestock-grazing-assn-v-us-forest-serv-diana-trujillo-nmd-2017.