Jarita Mesa Livestock Grazing Ass'n v. U.S. Forest Serv. & Diana Trujillo

301 F. Supp. 3d 1010
CourtDistrict Court, D. New Mexico
DecidedOctober 13, 2017
DocketNo. CIV 12–0069 JB/KBM
StatusPublished
Cited by1 cases

This text of 301 F. Supp. 3d 1010 (Jarita Mesa Livestock Grazing Ass'n v. U.S. Forest Serv. & Diana Trujillo) is published on Counsel Stack Legal Research, covering District Court, D. New Mexico primary law. Counsel Stack provides free access to over 12 million legal documents including statutes, case law, regulations, and constitutions.

Bluebook
Jarita Mesa Livestock Grazing Ass'n v. U.S. Forest Serv. & Diana Trujillo, 301 F. Supp. 3d 1010 (D.N.M. 2017).

Opinion

JAMES O. BROWNING, UNITED STATES DISTRICT JUDGE

*1014THIS MATTER comes before the Court on the Plaintiffs' Amended Opening Brief, filed October 18, 2016 (Doc. 181-1)("Opening Brief"). The Court held a hearing on January 26, 2017. The primary issues are: (i) whether the National Environmental Policy Act of 1969, Pub. L. No. 91-190, 83 Stat. 852 [ ] ("NEPA") requires the Defendant United States Forest Service ("the Forest Service") to consider the social and economic impacts of a proposed action-reducing grazing permits for the Alamosa and Jarita Mesa Grazing Allotments-before deciding to take it; and (ii) whether Defendant Diana Trujillo, former El Rito District Ranger,1 decided to reduce grazing permits for the Alamosa and Jarita Mesa Grazing Districts before considering the Environmental Assessment for Jarita Mesa and Alamosa Grazing Allotments (dated September, 2010)(AR 011351-487)("EA"). The Court concludes that NEPA requires agencies to consider the environmental impacts of agency action, which may-depending on a particular case's circumstances-extend to secondary social and economic effects that flow from an action's impact on the physical environment. NEPA does not, however, require agencies to consider social and economic impacts that flow directly from an action and not from the action's effect on the physical environment. Because the Plaintiffs allege that the Defendants failed to consider an agency action's direct social and economic impacts, the Court concludes that the Plaintiffs' allegations do not amount to a NEPA violation. After examining the Administrative Record ("AR"), the Court also concludes that Trujillo did not violate NEPA by deciding to take a particular agency action before considering the EA's findings. Accordingly, the Court will affirm the administrative appeal's decision.

FACTUAL BACKGROUND

The historical background surrounding this case predates both the parties before the Court and the Court itself. The individual Plaintiffs raise cattle in northern New Mexico and hold permits that allow their livestock to graze in either the Jarita Mesa Grazing Allotment ("Jarita Mesa Allotment") or the Alamosa Grazing Allotment ("Alamosa Allotment"), depending on the permit. Complaint for Declaratory and Injunctive Relief ¶ 3, at 2-3, filed January 20, 2012 (Doc. 1)("Complaint").2 The Jarita *1015Mesa Allotment and the Alamosa Allotment are both within the El Rito Ranger District of Carson National Forest. See Complaint ¶ 1, at 2. They are also part of the Vallecitos Federal Sustained Yield Unit. See Complaint ¶ 2, at 2. In the Federally Sustained Yield Forest Management Act of 1944, Pub. L. No. 78-273, 58 Stat. 132(codified at 16 U.S.C. §§ 583 - 583i ), Congress authorized the Secretary of Agriculture to establish co-operative sustained-yield units like the Vallecitos Federal Sustained Yield Unit in federally owned or administered forest land under the Secretary's jurisdiction. See 16 U.S.C. § 583.

1. Historical Background.

The Plaintiffs and their ancestors, however, began grazing livestock on the land that now comprises those Allotments long before the Secretary of Agriculture established the Vallecitos Federal Sustained Yield Unit. See Complaint ¶ 3, at 2-3. The Plaintiffs are the heirs to a "Hispano ranching tradition" that dates back to the colonization of New Mexico by the Spanish in 1598, Carol Raish & Alice M. McSweeney, United States Department of Agriculture, Economic, Social, and Cultural Aspects of Livestock Ranching on the Española and Canjilon Ranger Districts of the Santa Fe and Carson National Forests: A Pilot Study 3 (RMRS-GTR-133, 2003), available at http://doi.org/10.2737/RMRS-GTR-113. The Spanish colonists brought their domesticated plants and animals-including cattle, horses, sheep, and goats-with them and introduced intensive irrigation agriculture, whereas indigenous farming practices relied on "extensive floodwater farming and soil retention techniques." Raish & McSweeney at 3. The Spanish were forced out of northern New Mexico by the Pueblo Revolt of 1680, but Don Diego de Vargas reconquered the area twelve years later. See Raish & McSweeney at 3-4. After the reconquest, the new generation of Spanish colonists "generally worked their own land and maintained relatively cordial relations with the Pueblo Indian groups as both used the land in similar ways." Raish & McSweeney at 4. The modern-day Hispanic villagers and farmers of northern New Mexico are descended from those farmers and ranchers. See Raish & McSweeney at 4.

The Spanish Crown-between 1598 and 1821-and then the Mexican government-between 1821 and 1848-confirmed the settlers' use and ownership of the land by issuing land grants. See Raish & McSweeney at 4. One particular kind of land grant, the community grant, generated a land-ownership that persists even today. See Raish & McSweeney at 4. Community grants gave individual settlers ownership over a building site-for a homestead-as well as a small-five to ten acres-plot of land for farming. See Raish & McSweeney at 4. The lion's share of the land bestowed by a community grant, however, belonged not to any individual settler but, instead, to the settlers as a group, which permitted individuals to "use[ ] the village grazing lands, timberlands, and community pastures as common lands." Raish & McSweeney at 4. That allocation *1016of land supported a small population of subsistence farmers and their animals for centuries with only scattered areas of land overuse near villages. See Raish & McSweeney at 4. Commercial sheep production increased while Mexico controlled the area, which in turn increased the amount of land overuse, but

[t]hroughout the 1800s, local Hispanic and Pueblo residents of the nearby valleys used the plateau as common property, bringing their small herds to the plateau for summer grazing. They also harvested from the abundant timber resources for personal use and small-scale business ventures and planted some summer crops. The small size and noncommercial nature of these operations ensured that sufficient grass and forest resources remained for all who needed them.

Raish & McSweeney at 4. "By the time of the United States occupation of New Mexico, over sixty such community grants were in existence." Christine A. Klein, Treaties of Conquest: Property Rights, Indian Treaties, and the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, 26 N.M. L. Rev. 201, 236 (1996).

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301 F. Supp. 3d 1010, Counsel Stack Legal Research, https://law.counselstack.com/opinion/jarita-mesa-livestock-grazing-assn-v-us-forest-serv-diana-trujillo-nmd-2017.