Jankovic v. International Crisis Group

593 F.3d 22, 389 U.S. App. D.C. 170, 38 Media L. Rep. (BNA) 1399, 2010 U.S. App. LEXIS 1978, 2010 WL 323187
CourtCourt of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit
DecidedJanuary 29, 2010
Docket09-7044
StatusPublished
Cited by37 cases

This text of 593 F.3d 22 (Jankovic v. International Crisis Group) is published on Counsel Stack Legal Research, covering Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit primary law. Counsel Stack provides free access to over 12 million legal documents including statutes, case law, regulations, and constitutions.

Bluebook
Jankovic v. International Crisis Group, 593 F.3d 22, 389 U.S. App. D.C. 170, 38 Media L. Rep. (BNA) 1399, 2010 U.S. App. LEXIS 1978, 2010 WL 323187 (D.C. Cir. 2010).

Opinion

Opinion for the Court filed by Senior Circuit Judge WILLIAMS.

WILLIAMS, Senior Circuit Judge:

Milan Jankovic, also known as Philip Zepter, sued International Crisis Group and additional unnamed defendants Does 1 through 10 (“ICG,” for the institution or for all defendants, as appropriate) for defamation, false light and intentional interference with business expectancy. The district court issued an order granting ICG’s motion to dismiss (the “Order ”), J.A. 1221-28 and Jankovic appeals. We reverse in part, affirm in part, and remand for additional proceedings.

Jankovic is the founder of Zepter Group, which provides “a wide range of products and services, including banking, insurance, telecommunications, and retail sales of consumer products.” J.A. 20. ICG is a non-profit organization that describes itself as “working through field-based analysis and high-level advocacy to prevent and resolve deadly conflict.” International Crisis Group, Serbian Reform Stalls Again, ICG Balkans Report No. H5 at 30 *24 (July 17, 2003) (“Report U5 ”) J.A. 82-124. ICG’s “reports and briefing papers are distributed widely by email and printed copy to officials in foreign ministries and international organisations and made generally available at the same time via the organisation’s Internet site.” Id. The language at issue in this case appears in ICG’s Report U5, which addresses the deceleration of Serbian reforms—reforms initially spurred by the assassination of Premier Zoran Djindjic. We excerpt it below, numbering the sentences to assist discussion:

[1] The unwillingness to continue the crackdown reflects the power of the Milosevie-era financial structures that— with the rigid oversight once provided by the dictator removed—have transformed themselves into a new Serbian oligarchy that finances many of the leading political parties and has tremendous influence over government decisions. [2] Some of the companies were originally formed as fronts by State Security or Army Counterintelligence (KOS), while others operated at the direct pleasure of the ruling couple. [3] Under Milosevic, many of these companies profited from special informal monopolies, as well as the use of privileged exchange rates. [4] In return, many of them financed the regime and its parallel structures.
[5] Some of the individuals and companies are well known to average Serbs: Delta Holding (Milorad Miskovic), Karic (Bogoljub Karic), Pink (Zeljko Mitrovic), Zepter (Milan Jankovic, aka Filip Zepter), Kapital Banka (Djordje Nicovic), Toza Markovic (Dmitar Segrí), Progres (Mirko Marjanovic), Simpo (Dragan Tomic), Komercijalna Banka (Ljubomir Mihajlovic), Novokabel (Djordje Siradovic), Stanko Subotic, Dibek (Milan Beko), ABC (Radisav Rodic), Hemofarm (Miodrag Babic), AIK Banka Nis (Ljubisa Jovanovic) and Dijamant (Savo Knezevic) are but some of the most prominent. [6] Because of the support they gave to Milosevic and the parallel structures that characterised his regime, many of these individuals or companies have at one time or another been on EU visa ban lists, while others have had their assets frozen in Europe or the US. 80
[7] In the popular mind, they and their companies were associated with the Milosevic regime and benefited from it directly. [8] The DOS campaign platform in September 2000 promised that crony companies and their owners would be forced to answer for past misdeeds. [9] Few of the Milosevic crony companies have been subjected to legal action, however. [10] The enforcement of the “extra-profit” law is often viewed as selective and there have been only a handful of instances in which back taxes, perhaps 65 million Euros worth, have been collected. 81 [11] Most disturbing is the public’s perception that—at a time when the economy is worsening—these companies’ positions of power, influence and access to public resources seem to have changed very little.

Report H.5 at 17.

Plaintiff initially alleged that the above passage (as well as two others in Report lk5) contained defamatory statements, placed him in a false light, and intentionally interfered with his business expectancies. Jankovic v. Int’l Crisis Group, 429 F.Supp.2d 165, 168-69 (D.D.C.2006). The district court dismissed these claims, characterizing the passages as “not capable of *25 defamatory meaning” and ruling that, as a result, they could not support either of the other claims. Id. at 179. In Jankovic v. Int’l Crisis Group, 494 F.3d 1080 (D.C.Cir.2007), we reversed the district court’s dismissal in part, finding that the passage excerpted above was susceptible of a defamatory reading. Id. at 1091.

Specifically, following the sequence laid out in Moldea v. New York Times Co. 15 F.3d 1137, 1142 (D.C.Cir.1994) {Moldea I), we first found that, despite “numerous qualifiers,” a reasonable reader could construe the passage as asserting “that Philip Zepter, personally, was a ‘crony’ of Milosevic who supported the regime in exchange for favorable treatment” and “that Philip Zepter was actively in alliance with Milosevic and his regime.” Jankovic, 494 F.3d at 1091.

The understanding that Report 145 accused Jankovic of “supporting” the Milosevic regime clearly derives from sentences 5 and 6 of the passage. Sentence 5 lists “Zepter (Milan Jankovic, aka Filip Zepter)” as belonging to the new Serbian oligarchy described in the first sentence. Sentence 6 imputes support of Milosevic (“and the parallel structures that characterised his regime”) to those named in sentence 5. In addition, sentences 1 through 4 implied the quid pro quo feature that we identified (“in exchange for favorable treatment”).

We note that sentences 2, 3, 4 and 6 use the pronouns “some” or “many,” leaving open the possibility that readers of Report 14-5 might not suppose that the companies and individuals named in sentence 5 were generally guilty of the conduct charged in sentences 2, 3, 4 and 6. But the prior panel, though recognizing that the passage contained a number of “qualifiers,” Jankovic, 494 F.3d at 1091, could not have reached its interpretation unless it supposed that ordinary, reasonable readers could read the report as implying that those named in sentence 5 were guilty of supporting Milosevic and of receiving favorable treatment in exchange. Even if we disagreed with that understanding, which we do not, we are bound to it under the doctrine of law of the case. LaShawn A. v. Barry, 87 F.3d 1389, 1393 (D.C.Cir.1996) (en banc) (“[T]he same issue presented a second time in the same case in the same court should lead to the same result”) (emphasis in original).

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593 F.3d 22, 389 U.S. App. D.C. 170, 38 Media L. Rep. (BNA) 1399, 2010 U.S. App. LEXIS 1978, 2010 WL 323187, Counsel Stack Legal Research, https://law.counselstack.com/opinion/jankovic-v-international-crisis-group-cadc-2010.