Goodwin v. Fawkes

67 V.I. 104
CourtSuperior Court of The Virgin Islands
DecidedDecember 12, 2016
DocketCase No. SX-11-CV-435
StatusPublished
Cited by2 cases

This text of 67 V.I. 104 (Goodwin v. Fawkes) is published on Counsel Stack Legal Research, covering Superior Court of The Virgin Islands primary law. Counsel Stack provides free access to over 12 million legal documents including statutes, case law, regulations, and constitutions.

Bluebook
Goodwin v. Fawkes, 67 V.I. 104 (visuper 2016).

Opinion

WILLOCKS, Administrative Judge

MEMORANDUM OPINION

(December 12, 2016)

THIS MATTER is before the Court on Plaintiffs Complaint1 and Motion for Declaratory Judgment as well as the Defendants’ Motion to Dismiss. For the reasons stated below, the Court will deny the Plaintiffs Motion and grant the Defendants’ Motion to Dismiss.

BACKGROUND

Bevron Goodwin filed this action in the Superior Court of the Virgin Islands on September 15, 2011, purportedly on his own behalf and on behalf of all persons born in and residing in the U.S. Virgin Islands.2 He [108]*108named as defendants John Abramson, Jr., in his official capacity as Supervisor of Elections, and the “Election System of the U.S. Virgin Islands.” In a twenty-three page complaint, subsequently amended on October 3, 2011, Goodwin chronicled the nation’s “tortuous history” with slavery, civil war, and reconstruction, and its struggle ever since its birth to live up to its foundational “principles of equality and democracy,” including the “sacred and hallowed ... fundamental right that each citizen has the right to vote . . . [and] to run for elected office.” (Amend. Compl. ¶ 7.) Goodwin situates the U.S. Virgin Islands within this narrative and juxtaposes “[t]he Spirit of the Constitution and the principles and ideals of the Founding Fathers,” id. at ¶ 17, with “the racist and bigoted denial of fundamental voting rights to U.S. citizens residing in the United States Virgin Islands from electing the President or members of Congress, as well as the ability to run for these federal offices.” Id. at ¶ 22. Goodwin alleges that the barrier to equal voting rights in the U.S. Virgin Islands is the Insular Cases, which he states:

are in total diametrical opposition to our Constitution which provides for the equal protection of all races, and, further, the principal that enfranchisement is the foundation of our personal ] liberties, civil rights, and our democratic system. Using the imperialistic and racist Insular Cases, U.S. citizens in the Virgin Islands have been conferred a second class, Jim Crow status. Id. at ¶ 21 (footnote omitted).

Like the courts that later “struck down the racist principle of separate but equal in Plessy v. Ferguson,” id. at ¶ 22, the Superior Court can also strike down the Insular Cases, Goodwin asserts. Placed against this historical backdrop are the claims Goodwin asserted in his complaint.3

In Count I Goodwin asserted a claim for prima facie racial discrimination in violation of the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments to the Constitution of the United States, as applied to the Virgin Islands [109]*109through the Revised Organic Act of 1954. Specifically, in support of this claim, Goodwin alleged that, Woodrow Wilson, President of the United States from 1913 to 1921, was in office in 1917 when the former Danish West Indies (now the Virgin Islands of the United States) were transferred to the United States from the Kingdom of Denmark in 1917 and that he “openly supported the Ku Klux Klan” and “demonized black political participation” in American democracy. Id. at ¶¶ 24-25. Consequently, “[b]y the time the Virgin Islands was purchased in 1917, there was not one black representative in Congress, the federal Judiciary, and of course, the President or his Executive Cabinet. It was a government of white males with a lone white Congresswoman from Montana.” Id. at ¶ 27 (footnote omitted). Nearly one hundred years later and the U.S. Virgin Islands is still “trapped in political limbo ... by the opinions of the same racist Supreme Court that created ‘separate but equal’ in Plessy v. Ferguson,” Goodwin alleges. Id. at ¶ 34. “And, while the courts have endeavored to dismantle and reverse the vestiges of racism [in the States], nothing has been done about the .. . racist disenfranchisement [in the Territories].” Id. Without representation in the national legislature, “Virgin Island[er]s are then left in constant and continuing violation of the most fundamental Constitutional right — elected representation.” Id. at ¶ 35 (footnote omitted).

Goodwin concludes this count by alleging that he is a citizen, is over eighteen years of age yet cannot vote for President, United States Senator, or for a Representative in the House, and cannot run for these offices either. Consequently, “Goodwin along with all other eligible U.S. citizens residing in the U.S. Virgin Islands, have been denied the right to vote, the right to run for office, and the right to participate in the Electoral College, due to the prejudices and racism of nearly a century ago. This racism has continued unmitigated, with no implementation of a Constitutional representation in the federal government or any political indication in the foreseeable future that this will change.” Id. at ¶ 40.

In Count III,4 Goodwin sought declaratory relief, claiming that “[o]nly the Court can cut the Gordian knot of political deadlock and free U.S. citizens in the United States Virgin Islands from the ‘stigma of inferiority’ [110]*110that continues the disenfranchisement that began with the implementation of Jim Crow.” Id. at ¶ 48.

Whether it is individual voters or Electoral College, the fact remains that the U.S. Virgin Islands are being denied the most basic and fundamental Constitutional right — the right to vote — and the Court must act to correct this injustice as politicians have failed to do so for nearly the past one hundred years. It is undisputable that the Virgin Islands was denied enfranchisement due to the racist, xenophobic, and discriminatory attitudes which permeated society in 1917 when an all-white President, Congress, Supreme Court, and federal judiciary governed America. Id. at ¶ 46 (footnote omitted).

Goodwin concludes that as ”[t]he United States Virgin Islands approaches one hundred (100) years of racial discrimination... it is the courts alone who can overturn the racist and tortured rationale of the Insular Cases.” Id. at ¶ 49.

Finally, in his prayer for relief, Goodwin asked the Court to award damages, attorney’s fees and costs, pre- and post-judgment interest, and to further decree that

the Election System of the U.S Virgin Islands [must] develop a procedure for the U.S. Virgin Islands, or citizens of the U.S. Virgin Islands, to vote for the U.S. President, to register to run for U.S. President, and to register to run for Congressional office in House and Senate positions and to vote for those running for Congressional office, House and Senate positions, and that those elected to represent the United States Virgin Islands be presented to Congress to be seated accordingly. Id. at 23-24.

Approximately eight months after Goodwin commenced this action, this Court issued an order, sua sponte, entered May 16, 2012, to alert him to the length of time which had passed without any movement or action on his part as the plaintiff. Goodwin responded by filing a motion, on June 27, 2012, for declaratory judgment, which the Court scheduled for oral argument on July 16, 2012. Three days before the hearing, on July 13, 2012, the Defendants answered Goodwin’s complaint and alleged in their answer that the Superior Court lacks subject matter jurisdiction and, inter

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Bluebook (online)
67 V.I. 104, Counsel Stack Legal Research, https://law.counselstack.com/opinion/goodwin-v-fawkes-visuper-2016.