Domingo v. New England Fish Co.

727 F.2d 1429, 34 Fair Empl. Prac. Cas. (BNA) 584, 38 Fed. R. Serv. 2d 1377, 1984 U.S. App. LEXIS 14823, 33 Empl. Prac. Dec. (CCH) 34,253
CourtCourt of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit
DecidedMarch 13, 1984
DocketNos. 81-3702, 82-3026, 82-3027 and 82-3035
StatusPublished
Cited by106 cases

This text of 727 F.2d 1429 (Domingo v. New England Fish Co.) is published on Counsel Stack Legal Research, covering Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit primary law. Counsel Stack provides free access to over 12 million legal documents including statutes, case law, regulations, and constitutions.

Bluebook
Domingo v. New England Fish Co., 727 F.2d 1429, 34 Fair Empl. Prac. Cas. (BNA) 584, 38 Fed. R. Serv. 2d 1377, 1984 U.S. App. LEXIS 14823, 33 Empl. Prac. Dec. (CCH) 34,253 (9th Cir. 1984).

Opinions

PER CURIAM:

Nemesio Domingo, a Filipino, is a named plaintiff in a class action suit against his former employer, New England Fish Co. (“Nefco”). Domingo charged Nefco with employment discrimination on the basis of race in violation of Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, 42 U.S.C. § 2000e et seq., and the Civil Rights Act of 1866, 42 U.S.C. § 1981. Following a bifurcated trial, the district court found for plaintiffs and awarded classwide and individual damages. We affirm in part and reverse in part.

I. Background

As the facts of this case are reported more fully in the district court opinion, Domingo v. New England Fish Co., 445 F.Supp. 421 (W.D.Wash.1977), they only will be summarized here. Nefco operates salmon canneries located in remote, widely separated areas of Alaska. The facilities operate for only a limited period each year — typically less than 2 months — and lie vacant for the remainder of the year. Nef-co hires employees from various areas of Alaska and from Washington, Oregon, and northern California. It transports the employees to the canneries and houses and feeds them throughout the canning season. Employees are hired in a number of capacities, ranging from cannery workers and general maintenance personnel to administrators and engineers.

A. Statistics and Hiring Policies

According to statistics compiled by Domingo and not challenged by Nefco, Nefco’s work force was 47% nonwhite overall. However, nearly half of Nefco’s hirings by job titles were racially segregated; in certain jobs 90% or more of the employees were white, while in others 90% or more were nonwhite. Many of the higher-paying job classifications were predominantly white, including jobs in the administrative department (100%), the tender department (96%), the quality control department (93%), and the machinist department (90%). The largest and lowest paying department, the cannery department, was 76% nonwhite.

The district court found that several company records labeled work crews by race. Time sheets contained job titles such as “Fil.[ipino] Crew — 1st Foreman,” “Fil. Crew —Inspector,” “Native Cannery Foreman,” or “White Bull Cook.” Racial labels were also found in computer ledgers at Nefco’s home office, on internal memoranda, and on budget forms prepared by cannery superintendents.

Nefco hired employees for each job department through separate channels. For the lower-paying cannery worker jobs, for example, Nefco recruited workers from native villages in Alaska and through a primarily Filipino ILWU local in Seattle. The resulting work force in the cannery department was almost entirely Alaska Native and Filipino. In contrast, the machinists and beach gangs were recruited by word of mouth. Friends and relatives of employees in those departments were thus the first to receive word about vacancies in the department. As the people in those departments were mostly white and the foremen who did the recruiting were white, most of the employees recruited were also white.

In addition, Nefco gave preference in hiring to relatives of company employees and business associates. This pervasive nepotism policy did help both whites and nonwhites obtain employment, but whites controlled the best jobs, and in those jobs the nepotism favored whites.

Finally, Nefeo’s criteria for employment were almost entirely subjective. The only criteria were: (1) job-related experience, (2) reputation for being a good worker, and (3) compatibility; even these criteria were not always adhered to. Each hiring decision was made by a cannery superintendent or a foreman on the basis of his personal judgment. Almost without exception, the hiring foremen and superintendents were white.

In order to justify its hiring decisions, Nefco introduced written job descriptions which purported to describe the necessary qualifications for many of its skilled jobs. However, the district court found that these job descriptions were largely pretextual [1434]*1434since a number of Nefco’s skilled employees could not meet the qualifications listed in the job descriptions as of the time they were hired.

B. Housing and Mess Halls

Although Nefco claimed that housing was assigned on the basis of crew and date of arrival at the cannery, employees found themselves in buildings that were either largely or entirely segregated. Even when integrated crews were assigned to the same bunkhouse, the floors of the bunkhouse were segregated by race. The best housing was assigned first and the worst assigned last, but the machinist, tender, carpenter, and other crews in which whites predominated were generally brought to the facilities first. The cannery crew (76% nonwhite) was generally the last to arrive.

Domingo also alleged that Nefco maintained segregated eating facilities at its canneries. However, Nefco did not assign seating in mess halls. In some of the mess halls, signs proclaimed that there were no seating restrictions. Generally, two types of food were served in the mess halls: American and Oriental. The Oriental food was provided at the request of Local 87, a Filipino union. At some of the canneries, the American and Oriental messes were in two different buildings. The Oriental mess was frequented mainly by Filipinos, and was known as the “Filipino mess.” However, any employee could eat in either mess hall if he notified the cook in advance and if there was enough food and space to accommodate him. At other canneries, American and Oriental food was served in the same building. Employees usually sat at segregated tables because crews that worked and slept together generally ate together as well.

C. Procedural History

In this lawsuit, the district court certified Domingo’s class as that of all nonwhites employed or deterred from employment at any one of five Nefco facilities at any time from January 30,1971 to November 8,1976. The court then bifurcated the trial, intending to determine liability on a classwide basis and damages individually. The liability phase of the trial occurred in November 1976, lasting IV2 days. Most of the evidence presented during this phase was in written form.

In the court’s reported opinion on liability, the district court found that plaintiffs had established an unrebutted prima facie case of discriminatory employment practices in job allocation and in housing, and that plaintiffs had failed to establish a pri-ma facie- case of discrimination in messing.

Following the entry of the liability opinion,1 individual notice and a claim form were mailed to 780 individuals. Notice was also published in a number of newspapers in Alaska, Washington, and California, and radio broadcasts in English and Yupik were made to native villages in Alaska. In the interim between the liability and the damages phases of the suit, however, the district court placed several restrictions on communications between class members and Domingo and his counsel. The notices did not include the name, address, or telephone number of Domingo’s counsel.

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727 F.2d 1429, 34 Fair Empl. Prac. Cas. (BNA) 584, 38 Fed. R. Serv. 2d 1377, 1984 U.S. App. LEXIS 14823, 33 Empl. Prac. Dec. (CCH) 34,253, Counsel Stack Legal Research, https://law.counselstack.com/opinion/domingo-v-new-england-fish-co-ca9-1984.