De Bow v. People

1 Denio 9
CourtCourt for the Trial of Impeachments and Correction of Errors
DecidedMay 15, 1845
StatusPublished
Cited by26 cases

This text of 1 Denio 9 (De Bow v. People) is published on Counsel Stack Legal Research, covering Court for the Trial of Impeachments and Correction of Errors primary law. Counsel Stack provides free access to over 12 million legal documents including statutes, case law, regulations, and constitutions.

Bluebook
De Bow v. People, 1 Denio 9 (N.Y. Super. Ct. 1845).

Opinion

By the Court, Bronson, Ch. J.

It is a part of the crime ' charged upon the defendant, and of which he has been convicted, That he intended to defraud the Bank of Warsaw. That was an association formed under the general banking law of 1838; and if the law was not a constitutional exercise of power on the part of the legislature, it follows that there was no such legal being as the Bank of Warsaw to be defrauded, and the defendant has been improperly convicted. The objection was taken on the trial that the law did not receive the assent of two-thirds of the members of the legislature, and was consequently void. The question of validity is directly and necessarily presented, and we cannot, if we would, turn aside from considering it. As we have thus cast upon us the most delicate and important duty which we are ever called upon to discharge, and as consequences of unusual magnitude may hang on our decision, I do not regret to find that the question before us has ■ already been virtually settled; and that, too, by the court of last resort. I do not mean that the precise point in relation to the validity of this law has been decided; but I do mean that every step in the argument on which the question turns has been directly and necessarily adjudged by the court for the correction of errors.

By the fundamental law the people have declared, that the assent of two4hirds of the members elected to each branch of the legislature shall be requisite to every bill” creating, continuing, altering, or renewing any body politic or corporate.” [Art. 7, § 9.) And no bill can be deemed to have been passed in that manner, unless so certified by the presiding officer of each house. (1 R. S. 156, § 3.) Knowing, as we do from an inspection of the original engrossed bill on file in the secretary’s office, that the general bank law was not passed as a two-thirds bill, it would seem not to be necessary to go beyond the inquiry, whether associations formed under the law are bodies politic or corporate; for if they are, the law was not passed in such a manner as to give it validity. But beyond the question of corporation or not, two other points have been discussed in the courts: first, whether the constitution extends to all corpora [12]*12tions; and second, in what way should the question be tried whether the law received the requisite number of votes. Should it be matter of averment, to be tried by a jury; or is it the business and duty of the court to ascertain and declare whether any supposed law was duly enacted? I shall not go into a general discussion of these questions, for the reason that I have done so on former occasions, and because I deem the questions now settled.

It was never doubted that the two-thirds clause of the constitution extended alike to all corporations, until it was said in The People v. Morris, (13 Wend. 325,) that it did not extend to pullic corporations, such as cities and villages. When the license had once been taken of holding that the constitution did not mean so much as it said, it was not very difficult to make another, and a still wider departure; and accordingly Ave find that in Warner v. Beers, (23 Wend. 103,) two members of the com t of errors advanced the opinion, that the constitution did not reach private corporations, such as banks, provided they wero created under general laAvs which authorized every body to make corporations. They said, the general banking law created no monopoly, and gave no exclusive privileges. That is equally true of every other bank charter. The legislature of this state has never yet granted to a banking company any privilege which might not the next day be granted to a dozen other companies, to be exercised in the same place. It is not the charter, whether general or special, which makes the monopoly ; but it is the restraining law, Avhich ties up the business of banking, and makes it a franchise to be dealt out by the government. A corporation formed under the general banking law has all its privileges just as exclusively, and enjoys just as large a monopoly, as a safety fund bank created by special charter. The restraining larv, which makes the monopoly, may undoubtedly be repealed by a majority vote; and I hope the day is not very distant when this, and other kindred laAvs, which needlessly shackle men in their lawful pursuits, Avill either be greatly modified, or wholly erased from the statute book. I am as firm a believer in the sentiment-that the people [13]*13are governed too much, as I am in the doctrine that where the constitution speaks in unequivocal terms, and tends to no great evil or absurdity, it should be followed at all events—leaving the work of making amendments to the people, to whom alone it rightfully belongs.

The two learned jurists to whom 1 have alluded founded their reasoning on the case of The People v. Morris. Assuming it to be there settled that public corporations are not within the influence of the constitution, they proceeded another . step, and held that another, and a more important class of corporations were also free from that influence. Thus it is, and ever will be, that the first departure from the plain and explicit language of the fundamental law is a most dangerous step; for it will serve as a sufficient precedent for making a still wider breach whenever the occasion for it is presented. In the first place,'all public corporations are taken out of the influence of the constitution, because no great danger need be apprehended from the increase of such corporations. Then, private corporations follow, provided they are made by the hundred, instead of doing it more sparingly. And then the constitution, instead of requiring, as it now does, the assent of two-thirds of the members to every bill creating any body politic or corporate, must have a new reading, as follows : bills creating public corporations may be passed by a majority vote; and bills creating private corporations may be passed in the same way, provided there is no monopoly: but if you wish to create a single private corporation, which is a monopoly, then the assent of two-thirds of the members shall be required. Or, the amended reading may be more briefly expressed in these words: the assent of two-thirds of the members shall be requisite to every bill creating any private corporation, which, when created, will be a monopoly. There is enough in either mode of stating the matter to startle any man who believes, as I do, that the safety of free institutions depends on a strict adherence to' the fundamental law, whatever we may think of the wisdom or expediency of its provisions.

I have shown on a former occasion that what was said on [14]*14this subject in The People v. Morris was but a dictum, in no way essential to the decision of the cause; and'have assigned my reasons for holding that the two-thirds clause of the .constitution extends to all corporations, whether public or private. (The People v. Purdy, 2 Hill, 31.) And it is enough upon this branch of the case to add, that my opinion was fully confirmed by the court for the correction of errors in Purdy v. The People, (4 Hill, 384,) which is a decision directly on the point. When- the case of The People v. Morris was thus completely overthrown, all the arguments which had been built upon it in Warner v. Beers necessarily fell with it. The fundamental law has been restored to its original reading.

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Bluebook (online)
1 Denio 9, Counsel Stack Legal Research, https://law.counselstack.com/opinion/de-bow-v-people-nycterr-1845.