Arsen Vardanyan v. William Barr

CourtCourt of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit
DecidedOctober 16, 2020
Docket19-72580
StatusUnpublished

This text of Arsen Vardanyan v. William Barr (Arsen Vardanyan v. William Barr) is published on Counsel Stack Legal Research, covering Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit primary law. Counsel Stack provides free access to over 12 million legal documents including statutes, case law, regulations, and constitutions.

Bluebook
Arsen Vardanyan v. William Barr, (9th Cir. 2020).

Opinion

NOT FOR PUBLICATION FILED UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS OCT 16 2020 MOLLY C. DWYER, CLERK U.S. COURT OF APPEALS FOR THE NINTH CIRCUIT

ARSEN VARDANYAN, No. 19-72580

Petitioner, Agency No. A215-911-366

v. MEMORANDUM* WILLIAM P. BARR, Attorney General,

Respondent.

On Petition for Review of an Order of the Board of Immigration Appeals

Argued and Submitted October 5, 2020 Pasadena, California

Before: M. SMITH and OWENS, Circuit Judges, and CARDONE,** District Judge.

Arsen Vardanyan, a native of the former Soviet Union and citizen of

Armenia, petitions for review of the Board of Immigration Appeals’ (BIA) order

dismissing his appeal from an immigration judge’s (IJ) decision denying asylum,

withholding of removal, and protection under the Convention Against Torture

* This disposition is not appropriate for publication and is not precedent except as provided by Ninth Circuit Rule 36-3. ** The Honorable Kathleen Cardone, United States District Judge for the Western District of Texas, sitting by designation. (CAT). The parties are familiar with the facts, so we do not recite them here,

except as necessary to provide context to our ruling. We have jurisdiction under 8

U.S.C. § 1252. We review the BIA’s legal conclusions de novo and its factual

findings for substantial evidence. Singh v. Whitaker, 914 F.3d 654, 658 (9th Cir.

2019) (citing Ali v. Holder, 637 F.3d 1025, 1028–29 (9th Cir. 2011)). Applying

the substantial evidence standard, we uphold the agency’s determination unless

“compelled to conclude to the contrary.” Id. (quoting Ali, 637 F.3d at 1029). And

if the BIA relies in part on the IJ’s reasoning, we review both decisions. Singh v.

Holder, 753 F.3d 826, 830 (9th Cir. 2014) (quoting Flores-Lopez v. Holder, 685

F.3d 857, 861 (9th Cir. 2012)). We grant the petition in part, deny the petition in

part, and remand.

1. Vardanyan argues the BIA erred in finding that the government

established a fundamental change in country conditions warranting his removal. It

is undisputed that Vardanyan experienced past persecution and is entitled to the

presumption of a well-founded fear of future persecution. See Parada v. Sessions,

902 F.3d 901, 911 (9th Cir. 2018) (citing 8 C.F.R. § 1208.13(b)(1)). Where the

government seeks to rebut a presumption of well-founded fear through evidence of

changed country conditions, “the IJ must make an ‘individualized determination’ of

how the changed circumstances affect the alien’s specific situation.” Id. at 912

(quoting Ali, 637 F.3d at 1030). “The hallmark of an ‘individualized determination’

2 is a tailored analysis of the petitioner’s specific harms and circumstances.” Ali, 637

F.3d at 1030. While information about country-wide conditions may be useful and,

even decisive, such information is not sufficient on its own. See id. Rather, “the IJ

and BIA must apply the findings from the reports to the petitioner’s specific harms

and circumstances.” Id. (citations omitted).

Here, the IJ and BIA failed to analyze Vardanyan’s specific circumstances in

finding a fundamental change in circumstances. The IJ relied on evidence that

“[Vardanyan’s] previous persecutors [were] no longer the dominant political

party.” The IJ found that Vardanyan’s fear of return—which it ascribed to his

“activism against Republican Party members and his support of the Yelk

Alliance”—was no longer justified, because the Yelk Alliance had subsequently

assumed power, the Republican Party no longer controlled parliament, and the

corrupt oligarch who had extorted Vardanyan, Mihran Poghosyan, was “no longer

in a position of political power.”

It is true that the first several instances of persecution against Vardanyan

were due to his public support of the opposition movement. However, this was not

the full extent of Vardanyan’s persecution. Prior to the so-called “Velvet

Revolution,” Vardanyan was taken by force to meet with Poghosyan in February

2018 and was brutally beaten and threatened into selling his automobile repair

business to Poghosyan at a price Poghosyan set, and which Poghosyan never paid.

3 Vardanyan was also persecuted by the police after attempting to file a

criminal complaint against Poghosyan in June 2018. Upon checking on the status

of his complaint after several months, Vardanyan was beaten and held in police

custody for two days because he refused to retract his complaint and said he would

report the police to the prosecutor’s office. Then, a few days after his release from

custody, the police questioned and beat Vardanyan at his home. An anonymous

caller subsequently threatened to kill Vardanyan if he remained in Armenia. It was

this series of events that ultimately led Vardanyan to flee the country. Notably,

Vardanyan’s persecution by police occurred after the spring 2018 elections which

purportedly “end[ed] the reign of . . . the Republican party of Armenia,” and “the

new government launched a series of investigations to prosecute systemic

government corruption.”

The BIA and IJ largely failed to consider the foregoing evidence of

Vardanyan’s persecution.1 As a result, the BIA and IJ’s findings were not

sufficiently individualized. See Chand v. I.N.S., 222 F.3d 1066, 1079 (9th Cir.

1 “Whistle-blowing against government corruption is an expression of political opinion.” Baghdasaryan v. Holder, 592 F.3d 1018, 1024 (9th Cir. 2010); see also Fedunyak v. Gonzales, 477 F.3d 1126, 1129–30 (9th Cir. 2007) (finding, where the petitioner was persecuted by police for reporting extortion by a public official, that petitioner’s conduct was political activity opposing institutional corruption); Sagaydak v. Gonzales, 405 F.3d 1035, 1042 (9th Cir. 2005) (“Retaliation for investigating or publicizing corruption by political figures is by its very nature a political act.”).

4 2000) (“[W]e have long held that the determination of whether or not a particular

applicant’s fear is rebutted by general country conditions information requires an

individualized analysis that focuses on the specific harm suffered[.]”).

Although the BIA did mention Vardanyan’s persecution by the police, its

reasoning was insufficient. Both the IJ and BIA failed to properly analyze how

these changed conditions impacted Vardanyan, such that law enforcement and

Poghosyan would not again persecute him for attempting to expose Poghosyan’s

extortion. See Garrovillas v. I.N.S., 156 F.3d 1010, 1017 (9th Cir. 1998) (“In the

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Related

Ali v. Holder
637 F.3d 1025 (Ninth Circuit, 2011)
Zakia Mashiri v. John Ashcroft, Attorney General
383 F.3d 1112 (Ninth Circuit, 2004)
Carlos Flores-Lopez v. Eric H. Holder Jr.
685 F.3d 857 (Ninth Circuit, 2012)
Hanna v. Keisler
506 F.3d 933 (Ninth Circuit, 2007)
Baghdasaryan v. Holder
592 F.3d 1018 (Ninth Circuit, 2010)
John Doe v. Eric Holder, Jr.
736 F.3d 871 (Ninth Circuit, 2013)
Jagtar Singh v. Eric Holder, Jr.
753 F.3d 826 (Ninth Circuit, 2014)
Moris Quiroz Parada v. Jefferson Sessions, III
902 F.3d 901 (Ninth Circuit, 2018)
Narinder Singh v. Matthew Whitaker
914 F.3d 654 (Ninth Circuit, 2019)

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